법원과 배치되는 결정..논란 예상 (서울=연합뉴스) 이준삼 기자
= 남한사회주의노동자동맹(이하 사노맹)에서 활동했다는 이유로 법원에서 유죄를 선고받았던 박노해(50.본명 박기평), 백태웅(45) 씨가 민주화 운동 인사로 인정받았다. 국무총리 산하 `민주화운동 관련자 명예회복 보상심의위원회'(이하 민주화운동보상심의위)는 "최근(22일) 열린 제257차 회의에서 박씨와 백씨 등 4명을 민주화운동 인사로 인정했다"고 27일 밝혔다. 앞서 박씨와 백씨는 1989∼1991년 사노맹에서 활동하다 법원에서 반국가단체 활동 혐의로 유죄판결을 받은 점을 민주화 운동으로 인정해달라고 민주화운동보상심의위에 신청했다. 보상심의위의 한 관계자는 "결국 사노맹 활동을 민주화 운동 일환으로 본 것"이라며 "과거 민주화 활동을 했던 사람들의 명예를 회복시킨다는 법의 취지에 따른 결정"이라고 설명했다. 그러나 보상심의위의 이런 결정은 사노맹을 '국가변란을 목적으로 구성된 반국가단체'라고 규정하고 회원들에 대해 유죄 판결을 내린 사법부의 결정과 정면으로 배치되는 것이어서 논란이 예상된다. 사노맹은 6·25 전쟁 이후 군사정권 종식, 민주주의정권 수립 등을 표방하며 발족한 단체로 사회주의 혁명, 노동자 봉기 등을 계획한 사실이 1990년 당시 국가안전기획부(전 국정원)에 적발됐다. 이 사건으로 사노맹 중앙위원을 지낸 박씨와 백씨는 반국가단체 활동 혐의로 기소돼 법원에서 각각 무기징역과 20년 형을 선고받고 수감생활을 하다 1998년 광복절 특사로 풀려난 바 있다. jslee@yna.co.kr
Sunday, December 28, 2008
Friday, December 19, 2008
Where is Democracy?
It was almost excruciatingly disappointing to watch the Korea's conservative Grand National Party's legislators impeded the lawmakers from the other opposition parties to get into the decision-making room at the National Assembly's Foreign Affair and Trade Committee in order to forcibly pass the Free Trade Agreement with the US (KORUS) on their own. The forcibly alienated minor party legislators were trying to get into the room where the GNP members were passing the draft on their own. Fist fightings were exchanged, the doors were torn down, and fire extinguishers were used.
Seeing the images of these on TV made many of viewers simply speechless. The incident showed the situations have gotten far worse than most of us have thought. It seemed clear the ruling party and the leaderships of this nation now bear no intention to diaolgue, listen to voices of different ideas, and in fact different voices are subject to physical suppression. The images implied many things. Most of all, it implied the leaderships no longer fear or care the people of this nation. They resembled so much with those from twenty something years ago. Even the shivering fear ran down the spiral; the old devil might have come back.
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한나라, 회의장 원천봉쇄 ‘FTA 날치기 상정’
야당의원 출입막고 한-미FTA 비준동의안 ‘강행’…여·야대립 격화민주, 국회의장실 점거농성…홍준표 “모든 방식 동원 법안처리”
강희철 기자 신승근 기자 박수진 피디
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» 한치 앞 안보이는 정국 민주당 당직자들이 한미 FTA 비준안 상정일인 18일 한나라당 의원 등이 안에서 걸어잠근 국회 외교통상통일위원회 회의실 출입문을 해머로 뚫으려 하고 있다. 연합뉴스
한나라당이 18일 민주당 등 야당 의원들의 출입을 봉쇄한 채 단독으로 국회 외교통상통일위원회(외통위)를 열어, 한-미 자유무역협정(FTA) 비준동의안을 상정했다. 이 과정에서 야당 의원들이 격렬한 몸싸움을 벌이고, 이어 국회의장실 점거농성에 들어가는 등 드세게 항의했다. 그러나, 비준동의안이 상정됨에 따라 자유무역협정은 본격적인 발효절차를 밟게 됐다. 특히 한나라당 출신인 김형오 국회의장이 직권상정할 경우, 비준동의안이 각종 국회 절차를 생략한 채 본회의에서 바로 처리될 수 있는 길이 열렸다.
[현장] 여야, 한미FTA 비준안 상정 앞두고 충돌
한나라당 소속인 박진 외통위원장은 이날 오후 2시 전체회의를 열어 한-미 자유무역협정 비준동의안을 상정한 뒤 법안심사소위로 넘겼다. 박 위원장은 회의를 시작하며 “정상적인 상임위 개최가 어려워 위원장으로서 예정된 시간에 예정된 안건을 상정토록 했다”는 말과 함께 곧바로 비준동의안을 상정했다.
비준동의안을 상정할 당시 회의장에는 박 위원장을 비롯해 정몽준·남경필·정진석·황진하·김충환·이춘식·정옥임·구상찬·홍정욱·이범관 등 한나라당 의원 11명만 참석했다.
이에 앞서 박 위원장은 하루 전인 17일부터 ‘질서유지권’을 발동해 회의장 출입을 봉쇄했고, 18일 오전에는 회의장으로 들어가려는 야당 의원·당직자들과 한나라당 의원·당직자들이 한데 엉겨 격렬한 몸싸움이 벌어졌다.
동의안이 상정된 뒤 민주당은 의원총회를 열어 박진 위원장과 박계동 사무총장 등을 특수공무 집행방해 혐의로 검찰에 고발하고, 김형오 국회의장실에서 사과와 재발방지 약속을 요구하며 무기한 점거농성에 들어가기로 결의했다. 이들은 또 “한나라당의 이번 횡포는 야당과 국민에 대한 선전포고”라며 “민주당은 국익과 의회민주주의를 지키기 위해 단호하게 행동할 것”이라는 내용의 규탄성명을 채택했다.
그러나 한나라당 홍준표 원내대표는 이날 오후 당 정책의총 발언에서 “연말까지 이명박 정부가 추구하고 있는 모든 관련 법령은 모두 국회에서 처리해야 한다. 어떤 방식을 동원해서라도 법안과 한-미 자유무역협정을 처리하겠다”고 말했다. 홍 원내대표는 이어 기자들과 만나 “야당과 협의할 수 있는 법안은 불법행위에 관한 집단소송법, 국정원법, 초중등교육법, 교원노조법 정도”라며 “한-미 자유무역협정은 연내에 처리하겠지만, 25개 이행 부수법안은 미국 의회가 협정을 비준한 뒤에 처리하겠다”고 ‘분리 처리’ 방침을 밝혔다.
이와 관련해 정세균 민주당 대표는 이날 오전 <문화방송> 라디오에 나와 “근본적으로 민주주의를 후퇴시키는 법에 대해선 원천봉쇄를 할 수밖에 없다”며 실력으로 막겠다는 의지를 재확인했다.
강희철 신승근 기자 hckang@hani.co.kr
Seeing the images of these on TV made many of viewers simply speechless. The incident showed the situations have gotten far worse than most of us have thought. It seemed clear the ruling party and the leaderships of this nation now bear no intention to diaolgue, listen to voices of different ideas, and in fact different voices are subject to physical suppression. The images implied many things. Most of all, it implied the leaderships no longer fear or care the people of this nation. They resembled so much with those from twenty something years ago. Even the shivering fear ran down the spiral; the old devil might have come back.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
한나라, 회의장 원천봉쇄 ‘FTA 날치기 상정’
야당의원 출입막고 한-미FTA 비준동의안 ‘강행’…여·야대립 격화민주, 국회의장실 점거농성…홍준표 “모든 방식 동원 법안처리”
강희철 기자 신승근 기자 박수진 피디
.article, .article a, .article a:visited, .article p{ font-size:14px; color:#222222; line-height:24px; }
» 한치 앞 안보이는 정국 민주당 당직자들이 한미 FTA 비준안 상정일인 18일 한나라당 의원 등이 안에서 걸어잠근 국회 외교통상통일위원회 회의실 출입문을 해머로 뚫으려 하고 있다. 연합뉴스
한나라당이 18일 민주당 등 야당 의원들의 출입을 봉쇄한 채 단독으로 국회 외교통상통일위원회(외통위)를 열어, 한-미 자유무역협정(FTA) 비준동의안을 상정했다. 이 과정에서 야당 의원들이 격렬한 몸싸움을 벌이고, 이어 국회의장실 점거농성에 들어가는 등 드세게 항의했다. 그러나, 비준동의안이 상정됨에 따라 자유무역협정은 본격적인 발효절차를 밟게 됐다. 특히 한나라당 출신인 김형오 국회의장이 직권상정할 경우, 비준동의안이 각종 국회 절차를 생략한 채 본회의에서 바로 처리될 수 있는 길이 열렸다.
[현장] 여야, 한미FTA 비준안 상정 앞두고 충돌
한나라당 소속인 박진 외통위원장은 이날 오후 2시 전체회의를 열어 한-미 자유무역협정 비준동의안을 상정한 뒤 법안심사소위로 넘겼다. 박 위원장은 회의를 시작하며 “정상적인 상임위 개최가 어려워 위원장으로서 예정된 시간에 예정된 안건을 상정토록 했다”는 말과 함께 곧바로 비준동의안을 상정했다.
비준동의안을 상정할 당시 회의장에는 박 위원장을 비롯해 정몽준·남경필·정진석·황진하·김충환·이춘식·정옥임·구상찬·홍정욱·이범관 등 한나라당 의원 11명만 참석했다.
이에 앞서 박 위원장은 하루 전인 17일부터 ‘질서유지권’을 발동해 회의장 출입을 봉쇄했고, 18일 오전에는 회의장으로 들어가려는 야당 의원·당직자들과 한나라당 의원·당직자들이 한데 엉겨 격렬한 몸싸움이 벌어졌다.
동의안이 상정된 뒤 민주당은 의원총회를 열어 박진 위원장과 박계동 사무총장 등을 특수공무 집행방해 혐의로 검찰에 고발하고, 김형오 국회의장실에서 사과와 재발방지 약속을 요구하며 무기한 점거농성에 들어가기로 결의했다. 이들은 또 “한나라당의 이번 횡포는 야당과 국민에 대한 선전포고”라며 “민주당은 국익과 의회민주주의를 지키기 위해 단호하게 행동할 것”이라는 내용의 규탄성명을 채택했다.
그러나 한나라당 홍준표 원내대표는 이날 오후 당 정책의총 발언에서 “연말까지 이명박 정부가 추구하고 있는 모든 관련 법령은 모두 국회에서 처리해야 한다. 어떤 방식을 동원해서라도 법안과 한-미 자유무역협정을 처리하겠다”고 말했다. 홍 원내대표는 이어 기자들과 만나 “야당과 협의할 수 있는 법안은 불법행위에 관한 집단소송법, 국정원법, 초중등교육법, 교원노조법 정도”라며 “한-미 자유무역협정은 연내에 처리하겠지만, 25개 이행 부수법안은 미국 의회가 협정을 비준한 뒤에 처리하겠다”고 ‘분리 처리’ 방침을 밝혔다.
이와 관련해 정세균 민주당 대표는 이날 오전 <문화방송> 라디오에 나와 “근본적으로 민주주의를 후퇴시키는 법에 대해선 원천봉쇄를 할 수밖에 없다”며 실력으로 막겠다는 의지를 재확인했다.
강희철 신승근 기자 hckang@hani.co.kr
Wednesday, December 17, 2008
Turning Back the Clock (re. Terrorist attack on the Korean Air Flight 858 in 1987)
A commission seeks to be the sole investigator in the explosion of Korean Air Flight 858 over Myanmar en route from Abu Dhabi to Bangkok in 1987. Ahn Byung-ook, president of the relevant truth and reconciliation commission, said that regardless of the surrounding circumstances, his commission will call on Kim Hyon-hi for questioning.The bombing killed all 115 on board. Kim, then 26, is one of two North Korean agents who boarded the plane in Baghdad and departed during its stopover in Abu Dhabi having left a time bomb in an overhead compartment.In recent months, she has reportedly expressed in her letters complaints over attempts to unearth the truth of the bombing. She was quoted as having complained that she was undergoing a fifth investigation after those conducted by the court and the nation's spy agency.As for her alleged complaints, Ahn said there have been ceaseless suspicions of the bombing because of what he called poor investigations by the now-defunct Agency for National Security Planning, predecessor of the National Intelligence Service (NIS), or its misunderstanding.The woman was said to have changed her mind and alleged that during the liberal Roh Moo-hyun administration, she was coerced by some NIS officials to confess that North Korean leader Kim Jong-il had not ordered the bombing.Asked about her allegation at the National Assembly earlier this month, NIS Chief Kim Sung-ho said because of her misunderstanding, part of the matter was fabricated, according to a lawmaker who attended the session. The spy chief, however, did not elaborate.Given the situation and remarks made by people concerned, there are few reasons for discouraging the truth commission from turning back the clock to reveal the true picture of the 1987 bombing.In Spain, the National Court recently launched a criminal investigation into a crimes-against-humanity case from about seven decades ago which, according to the Associated Press, has no statute of limitations, according to Judge Baltasar Garzon. Tens of thousands of civilians were executed or disappeared during the 1936-39 Civil War involving supporters of Gen. Francisco Franco, particularly those who backed and elected the leftist Republican government under the ensuing right-wing rule of Franco.The Franco regime is accused of having eliminated his opponents and hidden their bodies. Exhumation of 19 common graves is a key part of investigations into people killed by the pro-Franco group during the war, the AP said.Similar truth-finding work for past history settlement can be found in other countries as well as nations involved in World War I and II. The commission has been seeking to build an international alliance to help do their respective truth-finding work more easily. The commission already signed a memorandum of understanding with Chile, and work is underway to ink an MOU with Argentina.Domestically, the three-year-old commission has recently helped a man who spent 15 years behind bars for murder be finally cleared of the charges. A district court acquitted Jeong Won-seop of strangling a nine-year-old girl after raping her.After being sentenced to life imprisonment, Jeong contended that police had tortured him into a false confession and fabricated evidence ― the authorities had abused power ― but a high court rejected his appeal. He then brought the case to the commission, which recommended that the case be reviewed. The panel can neither prosecute nor award compensation.Jeong, who is in his 70s, may seek compensation from the state, but nothing could offset the suffering he has underwent for decades.Another finding made by the commission is that the regime led by Chun Doo-hwan, an Army general who took power in a 1979 coup, ordered the now-disbanded Ministry of Government Administration to disqualify five successful applicants from the state exam for public servants in 1980 and 1981 for their role in anti-government rallies. One of them, Park Mun-hwa, failed to pass the annual exam for the second consecutive time and committed suicide.Every nation needs a body empowered to investigate wrongdoings committed by the authorities ― cases to which no statute of limitations should be applied.jckim@koreatimes.co.kr
공무원 장악 ‘MB 코드인사’ 시작되나
7 ministerial government officials at the Ministry of Education, followed by those at the Taxation Office simultaneously submitted their resignations yesterday. The news bears more significance since their resignation took place when the controversial "text book revision" issue is at its peak. Also some grow suspicious if this is of any relation to what the currently South Korean president Lee once expressed; he once expressed his frustration saying, "no matter how the current government wishes to proceed new policies, they cannot be implemented unless the officials work conincidedly to our policy line." This comment, along with those from close entourages of Lee, implies ChongWaeDae has been displeased with the highest leveled government officials who've been grown their career for the last ten years of Democrats' government under KIM Dae-jung and NOH Moo-hyun, and is now ready to replace them with ones coinciding with their policy "codes." Unfortunately, the article is in Korean; but will update if any further reading materials come out in English.
교과부·국세청 1급 일괄사표 배경이 대통령 “공무원이 움직이지 않는다” 지적하더니…정부정책 잦은 잡음 ‘고위공무원 탓’ 판단2급 이상 출신·경력·성향 등 전반적 점검
황준범 기자
» 교육과학기술부의 1급 고위공무원 7명이 일괄 사표를 제출한 것으로 알려진 16일 오후 서울 세종로 정부중앙청사 교육과학기술부에서 직원들이 오가고 있다. 이날 사퇴한것으로 알려진 1급은 기획조정실장, 과학기술정책실장, 인재정책실장, 학술연구정책실장 등 7명이다. 이종근 기자 root2@hani.co.kr
16일 교육과학기술부와 국세청 고위 공무원들의 일괄사표 제출은 고위 공직자 전체를 겨냥한 대대적 물갈이를 알리는 신호탄으로 보인다.
청와대는 일단 교과부 고위직들의 사표 제출에 대해 “안병만 장관과 교과부 차원의 일”이라고 설명했다. 이동관 대변인은 이날 브리핑에서 “청와대의 해당 수석실(교육과학문화수석실)에서조차 이 일의 진행에 대해서 잘 몰랐다. 특정부처, 교육부에서 한 것을 다른 부처로 일반화시키는 것은 비약”이라고 말했다. 물갈이로 보는 시각에 제동을 건 것이다.
하지만 이번 일을 정부의 고위 공직자 대폭 물갈이 의도와 떼어내서 바라볼 수 없다는 게 여권 안팎의 지배적인 해석이다. 정권 교체기도 아닌데 고위 공직자들이 이처럼 한꺼번에 사표를 낸 것은 극히 이례적이기 때문이다.
정부는 이미 1급 공무원들의 신분보장을 철폐하는 쪽으로 제도 개선을 추진하고 있다. 공직 사회에 ‘경쟁 마인드’를 도입하고, 인사 적체를 해소하자는 취지다. 연말 연초에는 청와대 행정관급부터 시작해 비서관·수석비서관들의 개편까지 예고돼 있어, 고위 공직자들의 자리 이동 폭은 더욱 커질 전망이다.
이런 작업의 배경에는 타성에 젖은 고위 공직자들을 쇄신해야 한다는 여권의 공감대가 있다. 청와대 고위 관계자는 “아무리 대통령이 일을 하고 싶어도 결국 공무원들이 움직이지 않으면 일이 되지 않는다는 게 딜레마”라며 공무원에 대한 물갈이 필요성을 강조했다. 다른 관계자는 “1급 공무원들은 정권이 바뀌면 알아서 인사권자에게 거취를 맡기는 게 관례였는데, 고위공무원단 제도가 이를 가로막고 있다”고 말했다. 이명박 대통령이 최근 참모들에게 창조적 발상과 적극적 태도를 강조한 것도, 공무원들이 자신의 뜻대로 움직여주지 않는 데 대한 답답함을 토로한 것으로 알려졌다.
이명박 정권의 핵심 인사들은 김대중·노무현 정권 10년을 거치며 고위직에 오른 공직자들이 태업을 하고 있다는 인식을 지니고 있다. 한나라당 제6정책조정위원장인 나경원 의원은 지난달 6일 “아직도 새 정부와 코드를 같이하지 않는 공직자들이 있다. 곳곳에 지난 10년의 잔재가 남아 있어 새 정부가 열심히 하려고 해도 공무원 사회가 잘 안 움직이는 것 같다”고 말했다. 이 대통령도 당선인 시절인 지난 1월 “공직자들이 어쩌면 이 시대에 걸림돌이 될 수 있을 정도로 위험 수위에 와 있다”고 공무원들에 대한 불신을 공개적으로 드러냈다.
이에 맞춰 정부는 그동안 2급 이상 공직자들의 출신과 경력·성향 등을 면밀하게 점검해 온 것으로 알려졌다. 여권 사정에 정통한 한 관계자는 최근 “정부에서 이사관급 이상 공무원에 대해 모니터링을 해 왔다”며 “이를 통해 이들이 정책전환의 걸림돌이란 결론을 내렸다. 곧 이들에 대한 손보기에 나설 것”이라고 예고했다.
이명박 정부는 시기적으로 경제 위기가 정점에 이를 것으로 예상되고 전국단위 선거도 없는 내년을 국정 드라이브의 승부수로 상정하고 있다. 이 시점에서 공무원을 ‘정권 친위대’로 돌려놓지 않으면 효과적인 국정수행을 할 수 없다는 생각을 했음직하다. 하지만 한 고위 공무원은 “직업 공무원은 정권이 바뀌면 그에 맞춰 일을 할 수밖에 없는 속성이 있는데, 정권 핵심들이 자신들의 잘못을 공무원의 복지부동 탓으로 돌리는 면이 있다”고 불만을 표시했다.
이런 흐름 속에서 교과부와 국세청이 총대를 메고 나섰다는 관측이 많다. 교과부는 최근 교과서 수정, 일제고사 거부, 사학분쟁 등의 현안에 적절하게 대응하지 못했다거나, 안병만 장관의 조직 장악력이 부족하다는 지적이 여당인 한나라당과 청와대 안에 적지 않았다. 청와대 관계자는 “안 장관이 이런 분위기도 고려하지 않았겠냐”고 말했다.
청와대가 의도했든 아니 했든, 일부 부처 1급 공무원들의 사표 제출은 다른 부처에도 영향을 줄 것으로 보인다. 정부 관계자는 “어차피 1급 공무원들은 신분보장이 없어지지 않느냐”며 “어차피 벌어질 일을 교과부와 국세청이 먼저 했을 뿐이지, 다른 부처에서도 비슷하게 진행되지 않겠냐”고 내다봤다. 황준범 기자 jaybee@hani.co.kr
교과부·국세청 1급 일괄사표 배경이 대통령 “공무원이 움직이지 않는다” 지적하더니…정부정책 잦은 잡음 ‘고위공무원 탓’ 판단2급 이상 출신·경력·성향 등 전반적 점검
황준범 기자
» 교육과학기술부의 1급 고위공무원 7명이 일괄 사표를 제출한 것으로 알려진 16일 오후 서울 세종로 정부중앙청사 교육과학기술부에서 직원들이 오가고 있다. 이날 사퇴한것으로 알려진 1급은 기획조정실장, 과학기술정책실장, 인재정책실장, 학술연구정책실장 등 7명이다. 이종근 기자 root2@hani.co.kr
16일 교육과학기술부와 국세청 고위 공무원들의 일괄사표 제출은 고위 공직자 전체를 겨냥한 대대적 물갈이를 알리는 신호탄으로 보인다.
청와대는 일단 교과부 고위직들의 사표 제출에 대해 “안병만 장관과 교과부 차원의 일”이라고 설명했다. 이동관 대변인은 이날 브리핑에서 “청와대의 해당 수석실(교육과학문화수석실)에서조차 이 일의 진행에 대해서 잘 몰랐다. 특정부처, 교육부에서 한 것을 다른 부처로 일반화시키는 것은 비약”이라고 말했다. 물갈이로 보는 시각에 제동을 건 것이다.
하지만 이번 일을 정부의 고위 공직자 대폭 물갈이 의도와 떼어내서 바라볼 수 없다는 게 여권 안팎의 지배적인 해석이다. 정권 교체기도 아닌데 고위 공직자들이 이처럼 한꺼번에 사표를 낸 것은 극히 이례적이기 때문이다.
정부는 이미 1급 공무원들의 신분보장을 철폐하는 쪽으로 제도 개선을 추진하고 있다. 공직 사회에 ‘경쟁 마인드’를 도입하고, 인사 적체를 해소하자는 취지다. 연말 연초에는 청와대 행정관급부터 시작해 비서관·수석비서관들의 개편까지 예고돼 있어, 고위 공직자들의 자리 이동 폭은 더욱 커질 전망이다.
이런 작업의 배경에는 타성에 젖은 고위 공직자들을 쇄신해야 한다는 여권의 공감대가 있다. 청와대 고위 관계자는 “아무리 대통령이 일을 하고 싶어도 결국 공무원들이 움직이지 않으면 일이 되지 않는다는 게 딜레마”라며 공무원에 대한 물갈이 필요성을 강조했다. 다른 관계자는 “1급 공무원들은 정권이 바뀌면 알아서 인사권자에게 거취를 맡기는 게 관례였는데, 고위공무원단 제도가 이를 가로막고 있다”고 말했다. 이명박 대통령이 최근 참모들에게 창조적 발상과 적극적 태도를 강조한 것도, 공무원들이 자신의 뜻대로 움직여주지 않는 데 대한 답답함을 토로한 것으로 알려졌다.
이명박 정권의 핵심 인사들은 김대중·노무현 정권 10년을 거치며 고위직에 오른 공직자들이 태업을 하고 있다는 인식을 지니고 있다. 한나라당 제6정책조정위원장인 나경원 의원은 지난달 6일 “아직도 새 정부와 코드를 같이하지 않는 공직자들이 있다. 곳곳에 지난 10년의 잔재가 남아 있어 새 정부가 열심히 하려고 해도 공무원 사회가 잘 안 움직이는 것 같다”고 말했다. 이 대통령도 당선인 시절인 지난 1월 “공직자들이 어쩌면 이 시대에 걸림돌이 될 수 있을 정도로 위험 수위에 와 있다”고 공무원들에 대한 불신을 공개적으로 드러냈다.
이에 맞춰 정부는 그동안 2급 이상 공직자들의 출신과 경력·성향 등을 면밀하게 점검해 온 것으로 알려졌다. 여권 사정에 정통한 한 관계자는 최근 “정부에서 이사관급 이상 공무원에 대해 모니터링을 해 왔다”며 “이를 통해 이들이 정책전환의 걸림돌이란 결론을 내렸다. 곧 이들에 대한 손보기에 나설 것”이라고 예고했다.
이명박 정부는 시기적으로 경제 위기가 정점에 이를 것으로 예상되고 전국단위 선거도 없는 내년을 국정 드라이브의 승부수로 상정하고 있다. 이 시점에서 공무원을 ‘정권 친위대’로 돌려놓지 않으면 효과적인 국정수행을 할 수 없다는 생각을 했음직하다. 하지만 한 고위 공무원은 “직업 공무원은 정권이 바뀌면 그에 맞춰 일을 할 수밖에 없는 속성이 있는데, 정권 핵심들이 자신들의 잘못을 공무원의 복지부동 탓으로 돌리는 면이 있다”고 불만을 표시했다.
이런 흐름 속에서 교과부와 국세청이 총대를 메고 나섰다는 관측이 많다. 교과부는 최근 교과서 수정, 일제고사 거부, 사학분쟁 등의 현안에 적절하게 대응하지 못했다거나, 안병만 장관의 조직 장악력이 부족하다는 지적이 여당인 한나라당과 청와대 안에 적지 않았다. 청와대 관계자는 “안 장관이 이런 분위기도 고려하지 않았겠냐”고 말했다.
청와대가 의도했든 아니 했든, 일부 부처 1급 공무원들의 사표 제출은 다른 부처에도 영향을 줄 것으로 보인다. 정부 관계자는 “어차피 1급 공무원들은 신분보장이 없어지지 않느냐”며 “어차피 벌어질 일을 교과부와 국세청이 먼저 했을 뿐이지, 다른 부처에서도 비슷하게 진행되지 않겠냐”고 내다봤다. 황준범 기자 jaybee@hani.co.kr
Tuesday, December 09, 2008
Children 'executed' in 1950 South Korean killings
On Nov. 13, 2008, Charles Hanley and his colleague Jae-soon Chang from the AP visited the TRCK and interviewed and gathered updated information since their last report on the commission's work. And on Dec. 7, 2008 finally came their following story under a title of "Children 'executed' in 1950 South Korean killings." The story is updating statistics of the exhumation works and other findings of the TRCK. In particular, the follow-up with the US government's responses were interesting; a bereaved family association successfully met with the spokesperson of the US Embassy in Seoul and asked to open a regular diaologue channel with them concerning the issue. This meeting between the family association and the spokesperson was held on the same day the reporters visited the commission.
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By CHARLES J. HANLEY and JAE-SOON CHANG
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — Government investigators digging into the grim hidden history of mass political executions in South Korea have confirmed that dozens of children were among many thousands shot by their own government early in the Korean War.
The investigative Truth and Reconciliation Commission has thus far verified more than two dozen mass killings of leftists and supposed sympathizers, among at least 100,000 people estimated to have been hastily shot and dumped into makeshift trenches, abandoned mines or the sea after communist North Korea invaded the south in June 1950.
The killings, details of which were buried in classified U.S. files for a half-century, were intended to keep southern leftists from aiding the invaders at a time when the rightist, U.S.-allied government was in danger of being overrun by communist forces.
Family survivors last month met with the U.S. Embassy for the first time, saying afterward they demanded an apology for alleged "direct and indirect" American involvement in the killings.
Declassified records show U.S. officers were present at one killing field and that at least one U.S. officer sanctioned another mass political execution if prisoners otherwise would be freed by the North Koreans. Uncounted hundreds were subsequently killed, witnesses reported.
With thousands of citizens' petitions in hand, the 3-year-old truth commission has been taking testimony from witnesses and family survivors, poring over police and military files, both here and in the United States, and excavating mass grave sites.
Before suspending operations for the winter, crews had exhumed the remains of 965 victims from 10 mass graves, out of at least 168 probable sites across South Korea. They only scratched the surface in some cases: At a cobalt mine in the far south, they penetrated just 36 feet into a vertical shaft, recovering 107 skeletons from among 3,500 bodies believed dumped there.
Some mass killings were carried out before the war; many came in the first weeks after the June 25, 1950, invasion, and others occurred later in 1950 when U.S. and South Korean forces recaptured Seoul and the southerners rounded up and shot alleged northern collaborators.
The executioners at times cold-bloodedly killed families of suspected leftists, the commission has found.
In late 1950 and early 1951, in Namyangju, 16 miles northeast of Seoul, the commission estimates that police and a local militia slaughtered more than 460 people, including at least 23 children under the age of 10.
Survivor Kim Jong-chol, 71, said his father, a South Korean border guard, had been forced to work for the conquering northerners, and then was executed by the southerners as a collaborator. More than a dozen relatives were also killed, including Kim's grandparents and 7-year-old sister, he said.
"Young children or whatever were all killed en masse," Kim told The Associated Press. "What did the family members do wrong? Why did they kill the family members?"
The 15-member panel, whose unprecedented inquiry will stretch into 2010, has thus far verified that children were among the victims in at least six mass killings. In a seventh case, it found, it was southern leftists who killed children of supposed South Korean rightists.
Similarly, the North Korean occupiers and their southern comrades at times killed policemen and others associated with the rightist regime after summary "trials." But the commission says petitions relating to executions of leftists outnumber by 6-to-1 those dealing with right-wingers' deaths.
That was his experience in Namyangju, said Kim Jong-chol.
"When the people from the other side (North Korea) came here, they didn't kill many people," he said, contrasting that with "indiscriminate" killing by southern authorities.
The AP has reported that declassified U.S. military documents show U.S. Army officers took photos of the assembly line-style executions outside the central city of Daejeon, where the commission believes between 3,000 and 7,000 people were shot and dumped into mass graves in early July 1950.
Other once-secret files show that a U.S. Army lieutenant colonel reported giving approval to the killing of 3,500 political prisoners by a South Korean army unit he was advising in Busan, if the North Koreans approached that southern port city, formerly spelled Pusan.
The files show the U.S. command was aware in other ways as well of the organized bloodbaths.
On Nov. 13, four representatives of bereaved family groups met with a U.S. Embassy official in Seoul to ask that the U.S. open a "dialogue channel" with them and provide any documents relevant to a U.S. role in these deaths a half-century ago.
"It's the first time we relatives have met U.S. officials," said Oh Won-rok, 68, representing family survivors of a wartime mass killing in the southwestern county of Haenam.
Oh Byoung-Han, 65, representing those who lost relatives in the huge Daejeon-area slaughter, charged that the U.S. was involved "directly and indirectly" in that case.
"We asked them to review the case and cooperate positively," Oh said. "We demanded an apology."
Although at the time U.S. diplomats reported confidentially they had urged restraint on the South Koreans, there was no sign the U.S. military, with formal command over the southerners, tried to halt the mass executions.
After last month's meeting, embassy spokesman Robert Ogburn said the U.S. mission would not comment publicly on it.
The investigative panel, equipped with a 240-member staff, cannot compel testimony, prosecute or award compensation. Findings are meant to "reconcile the past for the sake of national unity," says its legislative charter.
It was established under the previous liberal administration of President Roh Moo-hyun, and many expect it to encounter budget and other restrictions under his conservative successor, Lee Myung-bak.
Associated Press investigative researcher Randy Herschaft in New York contributed to this report.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By CHARLES J. HANLEY and JAE-SOON CHANG
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — Government investigators digging into the grim hidden history of mass political executions in South Korea have confirmed that dozens of children were among many thousands shot by their own government early in the Korean War.
The investigative Truth and Reconciliation Commission has thus far verified more than two dozen mass killings of leftists and supposed sympathizers, among at least 100,000 people estimated to have been hastily shot and dumped into makeshift trenches, abandoned mines or the sea after communist North Korea invaded the south in June 1950.
The killings, details of which were buried in classified U.S. files for a half-century, were intended to keep southern leftists from aiding the invaders at a time when the rightist, U.S.-allied government was in danger of being overrun by communist forces.
Family survivors last month met with the U.S. Embassy for the first time, saying afterward they demanded an apology for alleged "direct and indirect" American involvement in the killings.
Declassified records show U.S. officers were present at one killing field and that at least one U.S. officer sanctioned another mass political execution if prisoners otherwise would be freed by the North Koreans. Uncounted hundreds were subsequently killed, witnesses reported.
With thousands of citizens' petitions in hand, the 3-year-old truth commission has been taking testimony from witnesses and family survivors, poring over police and military files, both here and in the United States, and excavating mass grave sites.
Before suspending operations for the winter, crews had exhumed the remains of 965 victims from 10 mass graves, out of at least 168 probable sites across South Korea. They only scratched the surface in some cases: At a cobalt mine in the far south, they penetrated just 36 feet into a vertical shaft, recovering 107 skeletons from among 3,500 bodies believed dumped there.
Some mass killings were carried out before the war; many came in the first weeks after the June 25, 1950, invasion, and others occurred later in 1950 when U.S. and South Korean forces recaptured Seoul and the southerners rounded up and shot alleged northern collaborators.
The executioners at times cold-bloodedly killed families of suspected leftists, the commission has found.
In late 1950 and early 1951, in Namyangju, 16 miles northeast of Seoul, the commission estimates that police and a local militia slaughtered more than 460 people, including at least 23 children under the age of 10.
Survivor Kim Jong-chol, 71, said his father, a South Korean border guard, had been forced to work for the conquering northerners, and then was executed by the southerners as a collaborator. More than a dozen relatives were also killed, including Kim's grandparents and 7-year-old sister, he said.
"Young children or whatever were all killed en masse," Kim told The Associated Press. "What did the family members do wrong? Why did they kill the family members?"
The 15-member panel, whose unprecedented inquiry will stretch into 2010, has thus far verified that children were among the victims in at least six mass killings. In a seventh case, it found, it was southern leftists who killed children of supposed South Korean rightists.
Similarly, the North Korean occupiers and their southern comrades at times killed policemen and others associated with the rightist regime after summary "trials." But the commission says petitions relating to executions of leftists outnumber by 6-to-1 those dealing with right-wingers' deaths.
That was his experience in Namyangju, said Kim Jong-chol.
"When the people from the other side (North Korea) came here, they didn't kill many people," he said, contrasting that with "indiscriminate" killing by southern authorities.
The AP has reported that declassified U.S. military documents show U.S. Army officers took photos of the assembly line-style executions outside the central city of Daejeon, where the commission believes between 3,000 and 7,000 people were shot and dumped into mass graves in early July 1950.
Other once-secret files show that a U.S. Army lieutenant colonel reported giving approval to the killing of 3,500 political prisoners by a South Korean army unit he was advising in Busan, if the North Koreans approached that southern port city, formerly spelled Pusan.
The files show the U.S. command was aware in other ways as well of the organized bloodbaths.
On Nov. 13, four representatives of bereaved family groups met with a U.S. Embassy official in Seoul to ask that the U.S. open a "dialogue channel" with them and provide any documents relevant to a U.S. role in these deaths a half-century ago.
"It's the first time we relatives have met U.S. officials," said Oh Won-rok, 68, representing family survivors of a wartime mass killing in the southwestern county of Haenam.
Oh Byoung-Han, 65, representing those who lost relatives in the huge Daejeon-area slaughter, charged that the U.S. was involved "directly and indirectly" in that case.
"We asked them to review the case and cooperate positively," Oh said. "We demanded an apology."
Although at the time U.S. diplomats reported confidentially they had urged restraint on the South Koreans, there was no sign the U.S. military, with formal command over the southerners, tried to halt the mass executions.
After last month's meeting, embassy spokesman Robert Ogburn said the U.S. mission would not comment publicly on it.
The investigative panel, equipped with a 240-member staff, cannot compel testimony, prosecute or award compensation. Findings are meant to "reconcile the past for the sake of national unity," says its legislative charter.
It was established under the previous liberal administration of President Roh Moo-hyun, and many expect it to encounter budget and other restrictions under his conservative successor, Lee Myung-bak.
Associated Press investigative researcher Randy Herschaft in New York contributed to this report.
Thursday, December 04, 2008
More Q & A on the TRCK Work
1. TRC Investigations:
1) What is the number of execution incidents the TRC is investigating related to a) the Korean War, b) 1950? I understand 1,200 incidents of mass execution are being investigated, in addition to 215 cases in which the U.S. military was directly involved – is this still correct?
= As of November 2008, a total of 2,354 petitions were verified out of 8,153 petitions (the figures were counted in accordance with the number of filed petitions). More than 90% of the above cases were mass killings involving executions with most of the victims therein being shot and killed. If the above numbers are re-counted by each incident (one incident may be a combination of multiple petitions with a similar nature in their characteristics), the result is as follows.
l Civilian massacres by the South Korean army, police, U.S. forces, U.N. forces, or any right-winged organizations. ---------------------------------------------------------- 1,222 Incidents
l Civilian massacres by the North Korean military, local leftists, or communist guerillas --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------190 Incidents
l Total---------------------------------------------------------------------------------1,412 Incidents
* All of the 1,412 incidents were execution-style mass killings.
Regarding the TRC excavations, what is the number of graves that have been unearthed / excavated by the Commission? How many remains have been found through excavation? Is there a list available that I may have concerning the burial sites that have been or are in the progress of being excavated?
= The exhumation work by the Commission has been conducted for the last two years. As of June 15, 2007, the Commission’s research indicates that a total of 154 sites were from civilian massacres that occurred around the time of the Korean War and the remains of approximately 900 bodies were recovered throughout the exhumation work at nine different sites in seven different areas across the nation. Refer below for more details.
2. The Execution Hill Incident (Nov. ~ Dec. 1950). The program we are preparing will have a special focus on the Execution Hill Incident that occurred in late 1950 when British troops stopped executions and ‘seized’ (please see reference below) “Execution Hill.” I would be grateful to know if the Commission has any information about these incidents.
1) The TRCK has some relevant resources. See below for more details. They show (A) the executions of inmates who violated the [3]Special Decrees and were imprisoned at Seodaemun Prison in Seoul, (B) the 29th British Brigade’s message protesting the incident, and (3) the counter measures of the South Korean government under Ryee Seung-man.
2) This case has NOT been filed with the TRCK.
3) “Execution Hill” is presumably located around Hongje-dong, Eunpyeong-gu, Seoul, Korea, but this has not yet been confirmed. The location was also known as a base camp for the 29th British Brigade.
3. Our research suggests these executions occurred in two locations: 1) In the area of Sindun-Ni, and also 2) within the Seoul Prison. We are particularly seeking any survivors, relatives, or witnesses related to the series of executions that the British troops tried to stop.
= At the time of the incident, there were two prisons in Seoul. Inmates from Seodaemun Prison were killed mostly around the Hongje-ri area, and inmates from Mapo Prison were killed near the Han River which runs through the city.
= No petitions have been filed with the TRCK concerning the incident, and we have not yet contacted any survivors or witnesses.
Execution Hill was a name given to the area in newspaper reports at the time, though we are unsure of its exact location, or locations. I have highlighted a quick reference from an article by Charles Hanley,
”It was the British who took action, according to news reports at the time. On Dec. 7, in occupied North Korea, British officers saved 21 civilians lined up to be shot by threatening to shoot the South Korean officer responsible. Later that month, British troops seized ’Execution Hill,’ outside Seoul, to block further mass killings there.”
= The location of “Execution Hill” has not been confirmed; however, it is presumably around Muakjae (a hillock between the Seodaemun Prison and Hongje-ri).
= Around December 1950, many civilians suspected of collaborating with North Korea were killed by the South Korean army and police forces in Seoul and the Gyeonggi Province. Some 229 people were killed in Namyangju, Gyeonggi Province around this time and it has been verified by the TRCK.
4. The Daejon Massacres.
Our project will look closely at the massacres around Daejon, particularly because of the involvement of several British reporters in bringing the incidents to light in July and August of 1950. We seek your help about the events in Daejon in July and September 1950 to ensure our film is accurate about these sensitive and tragic events.
1) The Daejon Picture Post Incident: Has the Commission been able to find out anymore about the mass executions near Daejon by the Kum River in early July 1950 that was reported on by British Picture Post reporter Stephen Simmons? The Picture Post (“War in Korea,” vol. 48, No. 5, July 1950, p. 17) published a photograph of several truckloads of “South Korean suspected traitors on the banks of the Kum River on their way to execution.” Adding that the matter was under investigation by the U.N., we have been unable to locate any information on the U.N. investigation from that time and would appreciate any information you have. In addition, Mr. Simmons reported seeing prisoners shot in the pits they had been forced to dig on a hillside, which is visible from across the Kum River. Has the Commission located a mass grave site that may match Mr. Simmons description?
= The above incident is known as the Gongju Wangchon Massacre (not the Daejon Massacres) and the TRCK is currently investigating the case. The photo released by the Picture Post is available, and its exhumation work is scheduled to be conducted in 2009. [4]According to a report at the time by the Manchester Guardian, “Some prison guards forced some twenty inmates to kneel, and then executed them in Gongju. When asked about the incident, they answered, ’Commis, bang, bang (indicating an execution).”
5. Daejon Massacres; Sannae and Yongwol
We are seeking to clarify the location and known facts of the reported massacres at Yongwol and Sannae (respectively), just outside Daejeon, that took place in early July 1950. I would be very grateful for as many specifics as possible, including dates. I am under the impression that the first massacre was at Yongwol between July 2 ~ 6 where up to 7,000 were executed (as reported by Kim Dong-choon of the TRCK). I wish to know if the Yongwol Massacre and the “Sannae Massacre” as photographed by U.S. Col. Edwards on July 3, 1950, are one and the same, or are Yongwol and Sannae in different locations? I would be very grateful if this could be confirmed (apologies if this seems confusing but it’s very difficult to pinpoint geography according to press reports). Finally, has the TRCK made estimates on the number of people executed in the early July massacres around Daejon?
= The TRCK has conducted partial exhumation work in the region.
= Sannae and Nangwol (correction from “Youngwol” written above) are considered the same location. The location is called ‘Sannae Golryeonggol’ and is near 13 Nangwol-dong, Dong-gu, Daejon. (We strongly advise you to seek assistance from someone who is familiar with Korea’s geographical denominations to reduce any complications with respect to the location of each incident)
= [5]Currently, the investigation on the Daejon Prison Incident is being conducted by the Commission, and the number of casualties is not yet confirmed.
= According to [6]Alan Winnington of the Daily Worker, the mass killing of the prison inmates, including [7]a large number of political prisoners, took place between July 4 ~ 6, and the rest of the inmates were executed on the 17th. He recorded there were more than 7,000 bodies buried in Nangwol-ri.
6. Daejon Massacres – American Knowledge
I am interested in the declassified American report where Brig. Gen. Francis W. Farrell, the chief U.S. military advisor to the South Koreans, on August 15, 1950, recommended that the U.S. Command investigate the executions and was denied. Soon after execution photos were sent to Washington with a report stating thousands of political prisoners had been killed, the declassified record apparently showed that the equivocal U.S. attitude continued into the fall season when Seoul was re-taken and the South Korean forces began shooting residents who collaborated with the northern occupiers. I was wondering if you had any information about this declassified record; particularly, the re-taking of Seoul and Daejon. Is this record in the public domain?
= The Commission has no record indicating Farrell suggested an investigation into the massacre at the time.
7. The Second Daejon Massacres.
We have been looking into events that occurred in late September 1950 in Daejon; particularly, the truth behind the photograph of the Daejon Prison Yard Massacre which was widely published in America in late 1950. Has the Commission any information on this incident? In particular, we are interested in the dates, incident locations, and any witnesses with knowledge of the second Daejon massacres.
= This case was verified on Nov. 25, 2008, and some facts may be available upon request. (Kindly understand that the reports themselves are available only after the Commission submits its findings to the National Assembly and the President of Korea; hence, we would appreciate if questions are specific.) This massacre occurred shortly before the U.N. forces and the South Korean troops conducted the Incheon Landing Operation (인천상륙작전) and recaptured Seoul on Sept. 28, 1950. Before the withdrawal from the region, the North Korean People’s Army and local leftists killed Daejon Prison inmates with right leaning tendencies.
8. Has the Commission filmed any work that may be shared with us? We’re particularly interested in the excavations or testimonials. We understand this is of a very sensitive nature and primarily, you would only want this to be viewed as a research aid.
= References may be available upon request. We recommend visiting our English website at http://jinsil.go.kr/English/index.asp
= visual material containing testimonials from bereaved family members of the victims and excavation staff, etc. are available. (On the bottom, right side of the TRCK main web page; titled TRC FILM)
* Books and CDs are available on the exhumation work and the TRCK investigations. They may be mailed upon request.
[1] A mass killing against Bodo League members in the Cheongwon area.
[2] A mass killing against Bodo League members in the Haenam area.
[3] 특별조치령 in Korean: Entered into effect in 1950 to summarily prosecute those charged with treason and crimes against humanity during times of national crisis. http://contents.archives.go.kr/next/content/listSubjectDescription.do?id=001476
[4] ‘07년도 피해자 현황조사 결과 (2007. 12. 16/위원회/258-259쪽 참조)
[5] When Seoul was occupied by the North on June 28, 1950, a large number of inmates kept in prisons located in the further north of Daejon were sent to the Daejon Prison. At the time, approximately 4,000 inmates including 2,000 political prisoners with leftist tendency were held there. When the martial law came into effect on July 8, the South Korean forces took the Bodo League members, collaborators thereof, etc. to nearby Golryeonggol, Sannae-myeon, Daejon and killed. The testimonies from some bereaved families of those victims say it took three whole days to execute them all.
[6] Alan Winnington, I saw the Truth in Korea, London: People’s Press Printing Society, 1950, pp. 4~6.
[7] Mostly Bodo League members or their sympathizers.
1) What is the number of execution incidents the TRC is investigating related to a) the Korean War, b) 1950? I understand 1,200 incidents of mass execution are being investigated, in addition to 215 cases in which the U.S. military was directly involved – is this still correct?
= As of November 2008, a total of 2,354 petitions were verified out of 8,153 petitions (the figures were counted in accordance with the number of filed petitions). More than 90% of the above cases were mass killings involving executions with most of the victims therein being shot and killed. If the above numbers are re-counted by each incident (one incident may be a combination of multiple petitions with a similar nature in their characteristics), the result is as follows.
l Civilian massacres by the South Korean army, police, U.S. forces, U.N. forces, or any right-winged organizations. ---------------------------------------------------------- 1,222 Incidents
l Civilian massacres by the North Korean military, local leftists, or communist guerillas --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------190 Incidents
l Total---------------------------------------------------------------------------------1,412 Incidents
* All of the 1,412 incidents were execution-style mass killings.
Regarding the TRC excavations, what is the number of graves that have been unearthed / excavated by the Commission? How many remains have been found through excavation? Is there a list available that I may have concerning the burial sites that have been or are in the progress of being excavated?
= The exhumation work by the Commission has been conducted for the last two years. As of June 15, 2007, the Commission’s research indicates that a total of 154 sites were from civilian massacres that occurred around the time of the Korean War and the remains of approximately 900 bodies were recovered throughout the exhumation work at nine different sites in seven different areas across the nation. Refer below for more details.
2. The Execution Hill Incident (Nov. ~ Dec. 1950). The program we are preparing will have a special focus on the Execution Hill Incident that occurred in late 1950 when British troops stopped executions and ‘seized’ (please see reference below) “Execution Hill.” I would be grateful to know if the Commission has any information about these incidents.
1) The TRCK has some relevant resources. See below for more details. They show (A) the executions of inmates who violated the [3]Special Decrees and were imprisoned at Seodaemun Prison in Seoul, (B) the 29th British Brigade’s message protesting the incident, and (3) the counter measures of the South Korean government under Ryee Seung-man.
2) This case has NOT been filed with the TRCK.
3) “Execution Hill” is presumably located around Hongje-dong, Eunpyeong-gu, Seoul, Korea, but this has not yet been confirmed. The location was also known as a base camp for the 29th British Brigade.
3. Our research suggests these executions occurred in two locations: 1) In the area of Sindun-Ni, and also 2) within the Seoul Prison. We are particularly seeking any survivors, relatives, or witnesses related to the series of executions that the British troops tried to stop.
= At the time of the incident, there were two prisons in Seoul. Inmates from Seodaemun Prison were killed mostly around the Hongje-ri area, and inmates from Mapo Prison were killed near the Han River which runs through the city.
= No petitions have been filed with the TRCK concerning the incident, and we have not yet contacted any survivors or witnesses.
Execution Hill was a name given to the area in newspaper reports at the time, though we are unsure of its exact location, or locations. I have highlighted a quick reference from an article by Charles Hanley,
”It was the British who took action, according to news reports at the time. On Dec. 7, in occupied North Korea, British officers saved 21 civilians lined up to be shot by threatening to shoot the South Korean officer responsible. Later that month, British troops seized ’Execution Hill,’ outside Seoul, to block further mass killings there.”
= The location of “Execution Hill” has not been confirmed; however, it is presumably around Muakjae (a hillock between the Seodaemun Prison and Hongje-ri).
= Around December 1950, many civilians suspected of collaborating with North Korea were killed by the South Korean army and police forces in Seoul and the Gyeonggi Province. Some 229 people were killed in Namyangju, Gyeonggi Province around this time and it has been verified by the TRCK.
4. The Daejon Massacres.
Our project will look closely at the massacres around Daejon, particularly because of the involvement of several British reporters in bringing the incidents to light in July and August of 1950. We seek your help about the events in Daejon in July and September 1950 to ensure our film is accurate about these sensitive and tragic events.
1) The Daejon Picture Post Incident: Has the Commission been able to find out anymore about the mass executions near Daejon by the Kum River in early July 1950 that was reported on by British Picture Post reporter Stephen Simmons? The Picture Post (“War in Korea,” vol. 48, No. 5, July 1950, p. 17) published a photograph of several truckloads of “South Korean suspected traitors on the banks of the Kum River on their way to execution.” Adding that the matter was under investigation by the U.N., we have been unable to locate any information on the U.N. investigation from that time and would appreciate any information you have. In addition, Mr. Simmons reported seeing prisoners shot in the pits they had been forced to dig on a hillside, which is visible from across the Kum River. Has the Commission located a mass grave site that may match Mr. Simmons description?
= The above incident is known as the Gongju Wangchon Massacre (not the Daejon Massacres) and the TRCK is currently investigating the case. The photo released by the Picture Post is available, and its exhumation work is scheduled to be conducted in 2009. [4]According to a report at the time by the Manchester Guardian, “Some prison guards forced some twenty inmates to kneel, and then executed them in Gongju. When asked about the incident, they answered, ’Commis, bang, bang (indicating an execution).”
5. Daejon Massacres; Sannae and Yongwol
We are seeking to clarify the location and known facts of the reported massacres at Yongwol and Sannae (respectively), just outside Daejeon, that took place in early July 1950. I would be very grateful for as many specifics as possible, including dates. I am under the impression that the first massacre was at Yongwol between July 2 ~ 6 where up to 7,000 were executed (as reported by Kim Dong-choon of the TRCK). I wish to know if the Yongwol Massacre and the “Sannae Massacre” as photographed by U.S. Col. Edwards on July 3, 1950, are one and the same, or are Yongwol and Sannae in different locations? I would be very grateful if this could be confirmed (apologies if this seems confusing but it’s very difficult to pinpoint geography according to press reports). Finally, has the TRCK made estimates on the number of people executed in the early July massacres around Daejon?
= The TRCK has conducted partial exhumation work in the region.
= Sannae and Nangwol (correction from “Youngwol” written above) are considered the same location. The location is called ‘Sannae Golryeonggol’ and is near 13 Nangwol-dong, Dong-gu, Daejon. (We strongly advise you to seek assistance from someone who is familiar with Korea’s geographical denominations to reduce any complications with respect to the location of each incident)
= [5]Currently, the investigation on the Daejon Prison Incident is being conducted by the Commission, and the number of casualties is not yet confirmed.
= According to [6]Alan Winnington of the Daily Worker, the mass killing of the prison inmates, including [7]a large number of political prisoners, took place between July 4 ~ 6, and the rest of the inmates were executed on the 17th. He recorded there were more than 7,000 bodies buried in Nangwol-ri.
6. Daejon Massacres – American Knowledge
I am interested in the declassified American report where Brig. Gen. Francis W. Farrell, the chief U.S. military advisor to the South Koreans, on August 15, 1950, recommended that the U.S. Command investigate the executions and was denied. Soon after execution photos were sent to Washington with a report stating thousands of political prisoners had been killed, the declassified record apparently showed that the equivocal U.S. attitude continued into the fall season when Seoul was re-taken and the South Korean forces began shooting residents who collaborated with the northern occupiers. I was wondering if you had any information about this declassified record; particularly, the re-taking of Seoul and Daejon. Is this record in the public domain?
= The Commission has no record indicating Farrell suggested an investigation into the massacre at the time.
7. The Second Daejon Massacres.
We have been looking into events that occurred in late September 1950 in Daejon; particularly, the truth behind the photograph of the Daejon Prison Yard Massacre which was widely published in America in late 1950. Has the Commission any information on this incident? In particular, we are interested in the dates, incident locations, and any witnesses with knowledge of the second Daejon massacres.
= This case was verified on Nov. 25, 2008, and some facts may be available upon request. (Kindly understand that the reports themselves are available only after the Commission submits its findings to the National Assembly and the President of Korea; hence, we would appreciate if questions are specific.) This massacre occurred shortly before the U.N. forces and the South Korean troops conducted the Incheon Landing Operation (인천상륙작전) and recaptured Seoul on Sept. 28, 1950. Before the withdrawal from the region, the North Korean People’s Army and local leftists killed Daejon Prison inmates with right leaning tendencies.
8. Has the Commission filmed any work that may be shared with us? We’re particularly interested in the excavations or testimonials. We understand this is of a very sensitive nature and primarily, you would only want this to be viewed as a research aid.
= References may be available upon request. We recommend visiting our English website at http://jinsil.go.kr/English/index.asp
= visual material containing testimonials from bereaved family members of the victims and excavation staff, etc. are available. (On the bottom, right side of the TRCK main web page; titled TRC FILM)
* Books and CDs are available on the exhumation work and the TRCK investigations. They may be mailed upon request.
[1] A mass killing against Bodo League members in the Cheongwon area.
[2] A mass killing against Bodo League members in the Haenam area.
[3] 특별조치령 in Korean: Entered into effect in 1950 to summarily prosecute those charged with treason and crimes against humanity during times of national crisis. http://contents.archives.go.kr/next/content/listSubjectDescription.do?id=001476
[4] ‘07년도 피해자 현황조사 결과 (2007. 12. 16/위원회/258-259쪽 참조)
[5] When Seoul was occupied by the North on June 28, 1950, a large number of inmates kept in prisons located in the further north of Daejon were sent to the Daejon Prison. At the time, approximately 4,000 inmates including 2,000 political prisoners with leftist tendency were held there. When the martial law came into effect on July 8, the South Korean forces took the Bodo League members, collaborators thereof, etc. to nearby Golryeonggol, Sannae-myeon, Daejon and killed. The testimonies from some bereaved families of those victims say it took three whole days to execute them all.
[6] Alan Winnington, I saw the Truth in Korea, London: People’s Press Printing Society, 1950, pp. 4~6.
[7] Mostly Bodo League members or their sympathizers.
Tuesday, December 02, 2008
Fate of S. Korea’s truth commissions hangs in the balance
Government and ruling party submit bills to merge 14 commissions into one, citing lack of efficiency and redundancy
The plan for merging and abolishing past history truth commissions, professed by the Lee Myung-bak administration since the time of Lee’s presidential transition committee, is showing signs of being realized. Bills for the amendment of 15 related laws, submitted to the National Assembly on November 20 by the Grand National Party’s Shin Ji-ho and 13 other Assembly members, form a framework for combining the functions of the 14 history truth commissions currently operating into the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Republic of Korea. The declared purposes behind the amendments were “cutting the budget and increasing efficiency,” but the Ministry of Public Administration and Security, which is in charge of the effort, put forth the opinion that “the effects of merger and abolition are not large.” Related groups and victims are protesting vehemently, saying that it is a strategy that seeks to effectively neutralize commission activities while ignoring the historically symbolic nature of truth commissions.
Promoting Efficiency?
The Presidential Truth Commission on Suspicious Deaths in the Military, which finishes its statutory period of activity (3 years) at the end of this month, has been unable to resolve even half of the cases it has received to date. The ruling party’s amendment proposes transferring jurisdiction for the unresolved cases to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and Democratic Party Assembly member Ahn Gyu-back and others responded by submitting an amendment to the Assembly including a two-year extension of the commission’s activity.
Many are commenting that the PTCSD is an inappropriate candidate for merging and abolition, as it has different functions and character from other commissions. While the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the other commissions have the main task of finding out the truth about “political incidents” during the authoritarian era, the PTCSD has a strong “public grievance” character, investigating the unjust deaths of individual victims.
Inha University law professor Lee You-jung said, “The responsibilities of the PTCSD demand medicolegal expertise, for example in post-mortem examinations, and so a reckless merger and abolition could actually bring down its efficiency.”
Sungkyunkwan University history professor Seo Joong-seok said, “The commission has a certain degree of individuality. I suspect whether there might be some impure intent behind the proposal to combine it into one commission.” While the commission investigating the Jeju Uprising of April 3, 1948, established expertise during its activities over more than eight years, including in the unearthing and preservation of remains, integrating the commission into another place might require a larger budget and more resources to adapt to the duty, Seo added.
An internal document in the MOPAS also expressed the opinion that “there are concerns that efficiency will drop in aspects such as the continuation of tasks after integration, leading instead to delays in the treatment of cases.”
Overlapping Investigations?
The ruling party’s amendment raises “overlapping responsibilities” as the major grounds for the need to merge and abolish commissions. For example, in the case of the suspected fabrication of espionage charges against Lee Soo-keun, they cite different conclusions reached by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the commission for examining reputation restoration and compensation for individuals involved in the democratization movement, where the former decided that it was an incident fabricated through torture by authorities, while the latter said that it was difficult to recognize Lee Soo-keun’s democratization campaign.
The commissions involved responded by saying that this stemmed from a “lack of understanding” of the completely different characters of investigation responsibilities and evaluation/compensation responsibilities. The main responsibility of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is to ascertain the truth in matters such as torture and fabrication with certain incidents, while the democratization movement compensation commission is an organization that determines whether individuals “contributed to the democratization of Korean society” and decides whether to restore their reputations and provide compensation.
A Truth and Reconciliation Commission official said, “With the Lee Soo-keun case, determining whether there was torture and/or fabrication by public authorities and determining whether his acts contributed to democratization are completely different issues.” The official added that it was a stretch to call those responsibilities overlapping.
Cases Pending Resolution
The PTCSD’s rate of case resolution was a mere 42 percent as of late October. This is attributed to the fact that the 600 actual cases received were two times the 300 predicted at the time of its launching. The situation is not much different from the other commissions: the rate of resolution for the Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators’ Property is only 30 percent, and that of the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea is 37 percent. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has only resolved 29 percent of the cases it has received to date, and with a statutory two-year period of activity and a possible two-year extension, it has passed over halfway through its maximum term of six years. “Just our responsibilities right now would be difficult to finish by the last day of the term, and if we get even the work from other commissions, it’s basically impossible to handle,” said an investigator for this commission.
Only four of the 14 currently operating past history commissions, including the PTCSD, are engaging in real research endeavors. For this reason, some inside and outside of the history commissions are voicing the opinion that it would be rational to consider, if absolutely necessary, letting the real investigation tasks finish first, and then merge and abolish the places with remaining compensation and reputation restoration proceedings.
Victims and surviving family are emphasizing the “issue of trust” most of all. “The state’s obligation is to find out the true situation of those who died carrying out their duty to national defense, and if the real number of cases is more than expected at first, wouldn’t the common sense measure be to extend the time period and find out the truth?” said Kim Deok-jin, secretary-general of the Catholic Human Rights Committee.
Please direct questions or comments to [englishhani@hani.co.kr]
The plan for merging and abolishing past history truth commissions, professed by the Lee Myung-bak administration since the time of Lee’s presidential transition committee, is showing signs of being realized. Bills for the amendment of 15 related laws, submitted to the National Assembly on November 20 by the Grand National Party’s Shin Ji-ho and 13 other Assembly members, form a framework for combining the functions of the 14 history truth commissions currently operating into the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Republic of Korea. The declared purposes behind the amendments were “cutting the budget and increasing efficiency,” but the Ministry of Public Administration and Security, which is in charge of the effort, put forth the opinion that “the effects of merger and abolition are not large.” Related groups and victims are protesting vehemently, saying that it is a strategy that seeks to effectively neutralize commission activities while ignoring the historically symbolic nature of truth commissions.
Promoting Efficiency?
The Presidential Truth Commission on Suspicious Deaths in the Military, which finishes its statutory period of activity (3 years) at the end of this month, has been unable to resolve even half of the cases it has received to date. The ruling party’s amendment proposes transferring jurisdiction for the unresolved cases to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and Democratic Party Assembly member Ahn Gyu-back and others responded by submitting an amendment to the Assembly including a two-year extension of the commission’s activity.
Many are commenting that the PTCSD is an inappropriate candidate for merging and abolition, as it has different functions and character from other commissions. While the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the other commissions have the main task of finding out the truth about “political incidents” during the authoritarian era, the PTCSD has a strong “public grievance” character, investigating the unjust deaths of individual victims.
Inha University law professor Lee You-jung said, “The responsibilities of the PTCSD demand medicolegal expertise, for example in post-mortem examinations, and so a reckless merger and abolition could actually bring down its efficiency.”
Sungkyunkwan University history professor Seo Joong-seok said, “The commission has a certain degree of individuality. I suspect whether there might be some impure intent behind the proposal to combine it into one commission.” While the commission investigating the Jeju Uprising of April 3, 1948, established expertise during its activities over more than eight years, including in the unearthing and preservation of remains, integrating the commission into another place might require a larger budget and more resources to adapt to the duty, Seo added.
An internal document in the MOPAS also expressed the opinion that “there are concerns that efficiency will drop in aspects such as the continuation of tasks after integration, leading instead to delays in the treatment of cases.”
Overlapping Investigations?
The ruling party’s amendment raises “overlapping responsibilities” as the major grounds for the need to merge and abolish commissions. For example, in the case of the suspected fabrication of espionage charges against Lee Soo-keun, they cite different conclusions reached by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the commission for examining reputation restoration and compensation for individuals involved in the democratization movement, where the former decided that it was an incident fabricated through torture by authorities, while the latter said that it was difficult to recognize Lee Soo-keun’s democratization campaign.
The commissions involved responded by saying that this stemmed from a “lack of understanding” of the completely different characters of investigation responsibilities and evaluation/compensation responsibilities. The main responsibility of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is to ascertain the truth in matters such as torture and fabrication with certain incidents, while the democratization movement compensation commission is an organization that determines whether individuals “contributed to the democratization of Korean society” and decides whether to restore their reputations and provide compensation.
A Truth and Reconciliation Commission official said, “With the Lee Soo-keun case, determining whether there was torture and/or fabrication by public authorities and determining whether his acts contributed to democratization are completely different issues.” The official added that it was a stretch to call those responsibilities overlapping.
Cases Pending Resolution
The PTCSD’s rate of case resolution was a mere 42 percent as of late October. This is attributed to the fact that the 600 actual cases received were two times the 300 predicted at the time of its launching. The situation is not much different from the other commissions: the rate of resolution for the Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators’ Property is only 30 percent, and that of the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea is 37 percent. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has only resolved 29 percent of the cases it has received to date, and with a statutory two-year period of activity and a possible two-year extension, it has passed over halfway through its maximum term of six years. “Just our responsibilities right now would be difficult to finish by the last day of the term, and if we get even the work from other commissions, it’s basically impossible to handle,” said an investigator for this commission.
Only four of the 14 currently operating past history commissions, including the PTCSD, are engaging in real research endeavors. For this reason, some inside and outside of the history commissions are voicing the opinion that it would be rational to consider, if absolutely necessary, letting the real investigation tasks finish first, and then merge and abolish the places with remaining compensation and reputation restoration proceedings.
Victims and surviving family are emphasizing the “issue of trust” most of all. “The state’s obligation is to find out the true situation of those who died carrying out their duty to national defense, and if the real number of cases is more than expected at first, wouldn’t the common sense measure be to extend the time period and find out the truth?” said Kim Deok-jin, secretary-general of the Catholic Human Rights Committee.
Please direct questions or comments to [englishhani@hani.co.kr]
행안부 “과거사위 통폐합 예산절감 효과 적어”
한나라당 일부 의원들이 예산절감과 효율성 제고를 이유로 ‘과거사위 통폐합’ 개정안을 국회에 낸 가운데, 주무 부처인 행정안전부가 “통폐합의 예산절감 및 효율성 제고 효과가 크지 않다”는 검토 의견을 냈던 사실이 드러났다.
1일 <한겨레>가 입수한 행안부의 ‘과거사위원회 정비추진방안’ 문건을 보면, 행안부는 “‘제주 4·3 사건 진상규명위원회’ 등 12개 비한시위원회(기한이 정해지지 않은 위원회)를 통폐합해도 인력 규모(55명)가 작고 보상금 등 사업비가 전체 예산 중 93.5%를 차지고 있어 예산 절감 효과가 크지 않을 것”으로 내다봤다. 문건은 또 통폐합에 따른 업무 효율성에 대해서도 △통합 뒤 소속직원들의 동요 △업무의 영속성 결여 △사무실 통합 등에 따른 효율성 저하 등을 이유로 “사건 처리가 오히려 지연될 우려가 있다”고 밝혔다. 이 문건은 행안부가 지난 9월 청와대 정무수석실, 시민사회단체 등과 협의해 작성했다.
그러나 행안부는 이런 검토 의견을 담은 정부안은 따로 발의하지 않기로 했다.
권오성 기자 sage5th@hani.co.kr
1일 <한겨레>가 입수한 행안부의 ‘과거사위원회 정비추진방안’ 문건을 보면, 행안부는 “‘제주 4·3 사건 진상규명위원회’ 등 12개 비한시위원회(기한이 정해지지 않은 위원회)를 통폐합해도 인력 규모(55명)가 작고 보상금 등 사업비가 전체 예산 중 93.5%를 차지고 있어 예산 절감 효과가 크지 않을 것”으로 내다봤다. 문건은 또 통폐합에 따른 업무 효율성에 대해서도 △통합 뒤 소속직원들의 동요 △업무의 영속성 결여 △사무실 통합 등에 따른 효율성 저하 등을 이유로 “사건 처리가 오히려 지연될 우려가 있다”고 밝혔다. 이 문건은 행안부가 지난 9월 청와대 정무수석실, 시민사회단체 등과 협의해 작성했다.
그러나 행안부는 이런 검토 의견을 담은 정부안은 따로 발의하지 않기로 했다.
권오성 기자 sage5th@hani.co.kr
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