I. 진보진영 ‘운동성 복원’ 주장은 대안 아니다
‘참여정부 공과 논쟁’ 속 최장집 교수가 진단한 ‘민주주의의 위기’
학자는 글로써 이야기한다며 말을 아꼈던 최장집 고려대 교수(정치학)가 최근 사회적 쟁점으로 떠오른 ‘참여정부 공과 논쟁’에 두 편의 글을 통해 자신의 견해를 밝혔다. 최 교수의 발언은 계간 <비평> 2007년 봄호(14호)에 실린 논문 ‘정치적 민주화:한국 민주주의, 무엇이 문제인가?’와 후마니타스가 펴낸 <민주화 20년의 열망과 절망>에 실린 글 ‘민주주의 실천이 진보 출발점’을 통해 구체화됐다.
‘민주주의 실천이 진보 출발점’에서 최 교수는 ‘가난한 보통사람들의 이익과 관심을 통합해 내는 민주주의의 중요성’을 강조했다. 그는 최근 논쟁의 당사자인 조희연 성공회대 교수를 염두에 둔 듯 “민주주의를 좀더 실질화하고 제도적으로 실천 가능하게 하는 문제를 부정하면서 ‘다시 운동에 나서자’는 관성화된 주장”을 펴는 것에 의문을 표시했다. 가난한 보통 사람들의 이익을 경시한다면, “운동성의 복원을 그 어떤 급진적 언어로 강조한다 해도” 기성 체제의 헤게모니만 강화시킨다는 것이다. 이런 주장은 민주주의의 제도적 실천보다는 급진적 민중주의를 통한 운동의 정치를 강조한 조희연 교수의 견해와 뚜렷이 배치되는 내용이다.
최 교수는 이 글에서 참여정부에 대한 평가도 다시 한번 명확히했다. 그는 “참여적이고 개혁적이며 민족적이고 자주적이며 미국에 대해 큰소리치는 것처럼 자신을 내세우는 민주정부들이 어떻게 해서 빈부격차와 사회 양극화를 확대시키고 저변층을 감당할 수 없는 빈곤에 처하게 하고, 자살-반인륜 범죄-가정 해체로 내몰리도록 방치할 수 있었으며, 과거 권위주의 시절보다 더 ‘재벌 중심-노동 배제를 축으로 하는 성장지상주의’를 추구할 수 있었는가?”라고 물으며, 이에 대한 답변이 필요하다고 주장했다.
<비평>에 실은 논문은 이 질문에 대한 최 교수의 대답을 다시 한번 상술한 글이라고 할 수 있다. 이 논문에서 최 교수는 한국 민주주의 문제의 근원으로 ‘정당체제의 낮은 제도화’를 지목했다. 그는 민주주의 제도 가운데 정당이야말로 가장 중요한 역할을 수행하는 핵심적인 집단적 행위자라고 못박으면서, 정당을 매개로 하여 갈등의 조정과 타협을 이룰 때만 사회통합을 이룰 수 있다고 강조했다. 현대 민주주의를 정당민주주의 또는 정당정치라고 정의하는 이유가 여기에 있다. 그러나 민주화 이후 한국정치는 이 정당정치의 제도화에 실패했다고 그는 진단했다.
나아가 그는 민주주의의 내용이 취약하기 이를 데 없다는 점이 문제라고 지적했다. 민주화란 정치체제의 민주화에서 그쳐선 안 되며, ‘시장경제의 민주적 조율’을 그 실질적 내용으로 갖추어야 하는데 그게 빠졌다는 것이다. 민주화 이후 집권세력이 성장지상주의에 매몰되면서 자본주의 시장경제가 지닌 불평등 효과를 정치적으로 제어하는 기능을 하지 못했다고 그는 강조했다.
또 최 교수는 민주화 이후 민주정부들이 국가관료기구 통제라는 문제에 제대로 대처하지 못했다는 점도 지적했다. 관료기구를 민주적으로 통제하지 못한 채 개혁목표를 제시하고 그 실제적 정책 결정과 수행을 관료기구에 떠맡김으로써 다수의 이익을 배반했다는 것이다.
최 교수는 한국 민주주의가 실질적으로 발전하려면, 정당체제의 발전을 최우선으로 고려하고, 동시에 보통사람들의 사회경제적 삶의 조건을 향상시키며, 국가의 행정관료체제를 민주적으로 통제해야 한다고 강조했다.
II. 최근 노무현 정부는 '민주정부로서 실패했다'고 규정한 고려대 최장집(64) 교수가 민주화 이후 민주주의가 실패한 원인을 분석했다.
최 교수는 곧 출간될 계간 '비평' 2007년 봄호에 기고한 논문 '정치적 민주화 : 한국민주주의, 무엇이 문제인가?'를 통해 민주정부들이 권위주의 정부의 모습을 답습하게 된 원인 3가지를 짚었다.
최 교수는 먼저 정당체제의 제도화 수준을 끌어올리는 데 실패한 점을 들었다. 그는 "정당은 정치의 틀 안에서 사회의 주요 갈등과 균열을 대변하고 조직하는 가장 중요한 조직으로 정당체제가 제대로 작동하지 않는다면 사회통합을 성취할 수 없다"고 설명했다.
그럼 점에서 1948년 분단국가 수립부터 1950년 중반에 이르는 동안 패턴이 형성된 한국 정당체제는 오늘날까지도 제도화 수준이 현저히 떨어진다는 것이다.
최 교수는 "정당의 이름을 말하기보다 당 지도자의 이름을 붙여 부르는 것이 편리할 정도인 한국 정당들은 정책 프로그램의 차이를 가지고 조직되기보다 권력 획득을 위한 지도자들의 연결망에 기초해 있다"고 단정했다.
최 교수는 "이처럼 허약한 한국의 정당체제는 한국 정치를 치열한 갈등이 표출되는 이데올로기의 정치로 만들었지만 실제 삶의 변화를 가져 올 정책적 차이는 대단히 미미할 뿐"이라고 비판했다.
한국 민주주의의 두번째 실패원인으로는 취약한 사회적 기반을 지적했다.
그는 민주주의는 정치의 수준에서 민주주의 제도를 운용하고 실천할 뿐만 아니라 사회ㆍ경제적 수준에서 사회적 기반을 강화해 민주주의가 유지ㆍ발전할 수 있는 조건을 창출해야 한다고 전제한다.
따라서 자본주의 시장경제가 갖는 '불평등 효과'를 정치적으로 완화하지 못한다면 민주주의는 소수 엘리트 집단의 이익과 요구만을 반영하는 체제가 될 위험을 항상 안고 있는 셈이다.
최 교수는 "민주화 이후, 특히 외환위기를 겪은 뒤 신자유주의를 향해 내달린 결과 한국사회는 심각한 불평등의 심화를 초래했으며 민주주의를 유지ㆍ발전시키기 위한 조건인 사회적 기반은 크게 위축된 것이 현실"이라고 판단했다.
그 결과 지속적 경제성장을 위해서라도 더 이상 노동과 복지문제를 방치할 수 없는 단계에 이르렀다는 것이다. 최 교수는 "이제 이 문제가 정치적 경쟁의 중심에 놓여야 한다"고 강조한다.
최 교수는 마지막으로 민주정부들이 관료기구를 다루는 데 실패했다고 지적했다.
그는 "민주정부들은 권위주의 시기와(는) 상이한 정책 목표를 천명했지만 구체적인 정책 프로그램과 인적자원을 갖지 못한 까닭에 레토릭(수사) 이상의 의미를 갖지 못했다"고 주장했다.
실제 정책결정과 수행은 권위주의 시기에 형성된 관료체계에 의존함으로써 민주정부가 천명한 개혁목표와 실제의 정책 사이에는 엄청난 괴리가 발생했다는 설명이다.
그 결과 정책의 목표와 정치적 레토릭은 개혁적인 반면 실제 정책은 권위주의 정부가 집권했을 때와 마찬가지로 보수적이라는 모순이 드러났다는 것이다.
그러면서 최 교수는 "오늘의 시점에서는 민주주의의 질을 어떻게 향상시킬 것인가에 초점을 둬야 한다"고 강조하면서 "만약 보통 사람들의 삶의 질이 이 체제를 통해 개선되지 않는다면 그것은 보통 사람들의 평등한 정치적 참여를 본질로 하는 민주주의의 장점을 실현하지 못했음을 의미한다"고 덧붙였다.
김승욱 기자 kind3@yna.co.kr (서울=연합뉴스)
Further Reading on Debates re. visions for Korea's new progessive movements.
III. 진보 논쟁, 패러다임이 바뀌어야 한다 / 최승국
최근 최장집 교수와 일부 학자들로부터 촉발된 이른바 ‘진보 논쟁’에 노무현 대통령이 가세하면서 뜨겁게 달아오르고 있다. 오랫동안 제대로 된 진보 담론이 없었던 상황을 걱정해 온 필자로서는 우리 사회의 진보에 관한 논의가 다시 살아난 것을 우선 다행이라고 생각한다. 그러나 한편에서는 학자들의 주장에서나 노무현 대통령과 정치권의 주장 어디에서도 21세기가 요구하는 새로운 진보에 대한 가치는 찾아볼 수 없고 낡은 진보의 틀을 벗어나지 못하고 있어 안타깝기 그지없다.
나는 이들 학자들이 지적한 것처럼 ‘노무현 정부가 실패한 정부’라는 점과 조희연 교수가 실패 원인으로 분석한 “보수세력의 저항을 돌파하는 제도장치 바깥의 힘을 만들어 내지 못했다”는 지적에는 대체로 동의한다. 그러나 이들 학자들은 한국사회 위기의 더 근본의 문제인 ‘국민들의 삶의 질과 생명의 가치를 무시하고 신자유주의 경제논리만을 추구함으로써 오늘의 위기를 자초했다’는 점을 놓치고 있다.
또한 노무현 대통령이 ‘교조적 진보’에 대응하는 개념으로 ‘유연한 진보’라는 카드를 꺼내 든 것은 그 내용의 옳고 그름을 떠나 의미있는 일이라고 생각한다. 왜냐하면 시대의 변화에 따라 우리 사회가 갖고 있는 발전이나 진보에 대한 생각이 근본에서부터 바뀌어야 하기 때문이다. 더는 80년대 방식의 진보운동에 대한 생각이 오늘의 사회 발전에 도움이 되지 않기에 패러다임을 바꿀 필요가 생겼다는 얘기다.
그러나 노 대통령이 지적한 것처럼 진보가 진보다우려면 미래문제를 심각하게 고민해야 하는데, 대통령의 주장 어디에도 장차 우리 사회가 맞게 될 가장 중요한 가치인 생명 존중과 생태계 순환에 대한 고려를 찾아볼 수 없다. 그가 든 용산 미군기지 이전과 평택기지 건설과 같은 사례는 유연성의 문제가 아니라 문제의 본질을 정확하게 이해하지 못한 데서 나온 것으로 보인다.
진정한 의미의 사회발전이나 진보를 위해서는 경제 가치만을 중시하는 것이 아니라 인간 삶의 질을 높이는 방향으로 가야 한다.
그렇다면 무엇이 발전이고 진보인가? 흔히 사람들은 경제성장과 발전을 동일시한다. 또한 인권문제를 해결하고 분배정의를 실현하는 것, 노동의 가치를 올바로 평가하는 것 등을 진보라고 생각하는 경향이 있다. 19세기나 20세기의 가치에서 본다면 이러한 생각이 옳다고 말할 수 있다. 그러나 현재와 미래의 가치를 중심에 놓고 본다면 이는 진보를 구성하는 한 부분에 지나지 않는다. 이런 생각은 경제성장을 바탕으로 한 인간중심 주의의 한계를 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 그 속에는 생명 그 자체에 대한 존중도 생태계의 순환과 우주의 원리를 지키면서 인간과 자연이 어떻게 조화를 이루며 살 수 있는지에 대한 고민도 들어있지 않다. 경제가 아무리 성장하고, 1인당 국민소득이 5만달러에 이른다고 한들, 또 인간을 둘러싼 갈등이 완전히 해결되고 분배 정의가 실현된다고 한들, 생명의 가치가 무시되고 그들이 발붙이고 살아야 할 자연환경, 생태계가 이미 사람들의 생존을 허용하지 않는 수준에 도달한다면 무슨 소용이 있겠는가? 이런 사회로 가는 것이 과연 진보인가?
진정한 의미의 사회발전이나 진보를 위해서는 경제 가치만을 중시하는 것이 아니라 인간 삶의 질을 높이는 방향으로 가야 한다. 또한 인간의 탐욕을 위해 생태계를 끝없이 파괴하는 사회가 아닌 생명과 생태계의 순환원리가 존중되는 사회로 나갈 때 가능하다.
최승국/녹색연합 사무처장
Tuesday, February 27, 2007
Wednesday, February 21, 2007
The clash of emotion.
Dominique Mo?i, a senior adviser at the Institut Francis des Relations Internationales (IFRI) in Paris said that the current world is not only clashed by factors argued by Samuel Huntington but also by emotions in his article published by the FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Below is a brief introduction of the article dividing the current world largely into three parts; culture of fear, culture of humiliation, and culture of hope. Looking at a glimpse of it, I have to admit that exceeding generalization and almost too obvious repetition of the theories by Huntington were rather annoying but still interesting to take a look at.
Fear, Humiliation, Hope, and the New World Order
Thirteen years ago, Samuel Huntington argued that a "clash of civilizations" was about to dominate world politics, with culture, along with national interests and political ideology, becoming a geopolitical fault line ("The Clash of Civilizations?" Summer 1993). Events since then have proved Huntington's vision more right than wrong. Yet what has not been recognized sufficiently is that today the world faces what might be called a "clash of emotions" as well. The Western world displays a culture of fear, the Arab and Muslim worlds are trapped in a culture of humiliation, and much of Asia displays a culture of hope.
Instead of being united by their fears, the twin pillars of the West, the United States and Europe, are more often divided by them -- or rather, divided by how best to confront or transcend them. The culture of humiliation, in contrast, helps unite the Muslim world around its most radical forces and has led to a culture of hatred. The chief beneficiaries of the deadly encounter between the forces of fear and the forces of humiliation are the bystanders in the culture of hope, who have been able to concentrate on creating a better future for themselves.
These moods, of course, are not universal within each region, and there are some areas, such as Russia and parts of Latin America, that seem to display all of them simultaneously. But their dynamics and interactions will help shape the world for years to come.
THE CULTURE OF FEAR
The United States and Europe are divided by a common culture of fear. On both sides, one encounters, in varying degrees, a fear of the other, a fear of the future, and a fundamental anxiety about the loss of identity in an increasingly complex world.
In the case of Europe, there are layers of fear. There is the fear of being invaded by the poor, primarily from the South -- a fear driven by demography and geography. Images of Africans being killed recently as they tried to scale barbed wire to enter a Spanish enclave in Morocco evoked images of another time not so long ago, when East Germans were shot at as they tried to reach freedom in the West. Back then, Germans were killed because they wanted to escape oppression. Today, Africans are being killed because they want to escape absolute poverty.
Europeans also fear being blown up by radical Islamists or being demographically conquered by them as their continent becomes a "Eurabia." After the bombings in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005 and the scares this past summer, Europeans have started to face the hard reality that their homelands are not only targets for terrorists but also bases for them.
Then there is the fear of being left behind economically. For many Europeans, globalization has come to be equated with destabilization and job cuts. They are haunted by the fear that Europe will become a museum -- a larger and more modern version of Venice, a place for tourists ...
Fear, Humiliation, Hope, and the New World Order
Thirteen years ago, Samuel Huntington argued that a "clash of civilizations" was about to dominate world politics, with culture, along with national interests and political ideology, becoming a geopolitical fault line ("The Clash of Civilizations?" Summer 1993). Events since then have proved Huntington's vision more right than wrong. Yet what has not been recognized sufficiently is that today the world faces what might be called a "clash of emotions" as well. The Western world displays a culture of fear, the Arab and Muslim worlds are trapped in a culture of humiliation, and much of Asia displays a culture of hope.
Instead of being united by their fears, the twin pillars of the West, the United States and Europe, are more often divided by them -- or rather, divided by how best to confront or transcend them. The culture of humiliation, in contrast, helps unite the Muslim world around its most radical forces and has led to a culture of hatred. The chief beneficiaries of the deadly encounter between the forces of fear and the forces of humiliation are the bystanders in the culture of hope, who have been able to concentrate on creating a better future for themselves.
These moods, of course, are not universal within each region, and there are some areas, such as Russia and parts of Latin America, that seem to display all of them simultaneously. But their dynamics and interactions will help shape the world for years to come.
THE CULTURE OF FEAR
The United States and Europe are divided by a common culture of fear. On both sides, one encounters, in varying degrees, a fear of the other, a fear of the future, and a fundamental anxiety about the loss of identity in an increasingly complex world.
In the case of Europe, there are layers of fear. There is the fear of being invaded by the poor, primarily from the South -- a fear driven by demography and geography. Images of Africans being killed recently as they tried to scale barbed wire to enter a Spanish enclave in Morocco evoked images of another time not so long ago, when East Germans were shot at as they tried to reach freedom in the West. Back then, Germans were killed because they wanted to escape oppression. Today, Africans are being killed because they want to escape absolute poverty.
Europeans also fear being blown up by radical Islamists or being demographically conquered by them as their continent becomes a "Eurabia." After the bombings in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005 and the scares this past summer, Europeans have started to face the hard reality that their homelands are not only targets for terrorists but also bases for them.
Then there is the fear of being left behind economically. For many Europeans, globalization has come to be equated with destabilization and job cuts. They are haunted by the fear that Europe will become a museum -- a larger and more modern version of Venice, a place for tourists ...
Tuesday, February 20, 2007
Weekend in paradise.
You should see to believe there actually is a place like that exists not so far from Seoul, the biggest and still expanding capital city of this country. Thanks to my aunt who owns a little property amid of an endless rice paddy, barnyards and cattle sheds, we already had fairly pleasant holiday afternoon together with relatives and Emily, a friend from the US. Then, rather spontaneously, my sister, Emily and I decided to hit the road to an island where one of my cousin is the pastor of the only church therein. So our journey of the lunar new year of 2007 began.
* Photos from the trip.
http://good-times.webshots.com/slideshow/557748251wjGYlj?&track_pagetag=/page/album/goodtimes/friendsfun&track_action=/Owner/ActionsBox/Slideshow
The holiday excursion was actually planned long before the holiday began, but it conveniently had been forgotten like many other occassions in the hussle-bussle of the city life. Even with pressures from the friend who I invited long ago and some relatives wished my schedule to emcompass the invitation to their home, I absolutely didn't have any idea how I would fit everything together to make everybody happy until early Saturday morning, the very starting date of the holiday. After spending the very morning and some afternoon time at the aunt's barnyard in a suburban town from Seoul - of course, there, we paid our regular visit to the nearby endless field of rice paddy to run around like manics and cattle sheds to wet ourselves with their drooling saliva, then completing the dirty task with smooching our cheeks to village dogs that probably had never been bathed in their entire lives. If wish to add slight spice to that, I hug everybody and start to be touchy-touchy particlarly to young nephews and nieces who usually react hysterically before I clean myself up. (yes, I am sadistic in this sense!)
So Sis, Emily, and I completed our first mission of the holiday. Then, it was time to take off for an excursion. Although, three days weren't certainly enough to satisfy our long-endured desire to go around the unknown, it was still better to try than just sit around. We set the direction to an island on the west coast of the peninsula where one of my cousin's husband is the pastor of the only church therein. It only took us around 1.5 hr driving from the aunt's home, a piece of cake!
Last time I visited the island was the summer of 2006, the only thing I found on the island was full of stacked trashes and files of bodies completely covered the entire beach. But this time, the nature performed its miracle and the beaches were all recovered from damage from last summer and glowed with reflection from its white sand and sparking blue ocean. There were still some people walking thereon, but very few compared to half year ago. Wonderful!
Since my cus and her husband are busy for preparing for Sun's summon, we decided to stay at a close-by hotel, which turned out to be a quite comfy. There, we encountered with unexpected pleasant companies from Ireland and Scotland; Joe, Diarmuid and Euan. The young visitors from Europe who seem to have a full of curiosity and strong urge to know more of the unknown inspired us in many ways, since we now have resided for some time in this country and slowly find ourselves in rather a pragmatic position. Lengthy conversations/debates on politics, economy, cultures, etc of nations across the whole world went on for many hours with some occasional interruption while making comments how sceneries we were in were breathtakingly fantastic or when we all gone completely insane riding 4-wheel sand vehicle enabling us to drive faster than 30-40Km/hr on the blindly bright sand beach where nobody was around. Beautiful!
Everything went just fine until the 4-wheel vehicle my sis on was rolled over and landed on one of her shoulder and left cheek bone. Her nostrils and mouth full of yellow sand, she still smiled and said she's fine and back on her vehicle.
Like everything else in life, our excursion headed to an end after enjoying moments of escalating joy. On the way home, we still were cheerfully chatting ceaselessly, hided how sorry we all were, and felt some kind of reluctancy about returning to the city and the routine. Now being almost an expert thereof, luckily I felt mostly recharged and all freshed up.
* Photos from the trip.
http://good-times.webshots.com/slideshow/557748251wjGYlj?&track_pagetag=/page/album/goodtimes/friendsfun&track_action=/Owner/ActionsBox/Slideshow
The holiday excursion was actually planned long before the holiday began, but it conveniently had been forgotten like many other occassions in the hussle-bussle of the city life. Even with pressures from the friend who I invited long ago and some relatives wished my schedule to emcompass the invitation to their home, I absolutely didn't have any idea how I would fit everything together to make everybody happy until early Saturday morning, the very starting date of the holiday. After spending the very morning and some afternoon time at the aunt's barnyard in a suburban town from Seoul - of course, there, we paid our regular visit to the nearby endless field of rice paddy to run around like manics and cattle sheds to wet ourselves with their drooling saliva, then completing the dirty task with smooching our cheeks to village dogs that probably had never been bathed in their entire lives. If wish to add slight spice to that, I hug everybody and start to be touchy-touchy particlarly to young nephews and nieces who usually react hysterically before I clean myself up. (yes, I am sadistic in this sense!)
So Sis, Emily, and I completed our first mission of the holiday. Then, it was time to take off for an excursion. Although, three days weren't certainly enough to satisfy our long-endured desire to go around the unknown, it was still better to try than just sit around. We set the direction to an island on the west coast of the peninsula where one of my cousin's husband is the pastor of the only church therein. It only took us around 1.5 hr driving from the aunt's home, a piece of cake!
Last time I visited the island was the summer of 2006, the only thing I found on the island was full of stacked trashes and files of bodies completely covered the entire beach. But this time, the nature performed its miracle and the beaches were all recovered from damage from last summer and glowed with reflection from its white sand and sparking blue ocean. There were still some people walking thereon, but very few compared to half year ago. Wonderful!
Since my cus and her husband are busy for preparing for Sun's summon, we decided to stay at a close-by hotel, which turned out to be a quite comfy. There, we encountered with unexpected pleasant companies from Ireland and Scotland; Joe, Diarmuid and Euan. The young visitors from Europe who seem to have a full of curiosity and strong urge to know more of the unknown inspired us in many ways, since we now have resided for some time in this country and slowly find ourselves in rather a pragmatic position. Lengthy conversations/debates on politics, economy, cultures, etc of nations across the whole world went on for many hours with some occasional interruption while making comments how sceneries we were in were breathtakingly fantastic or when we all gone completely insane riding 4-wheel sand vehicle enabling us to drive faster than 30-40Km/hr on the blindly bright sand beach where nobody was around. Beautiful!
Everything went just fine until the 4-wheel vehicle my sis on was rolled over and landed on one of her shoulder and left cheek bone. Her nostrils and mouth full of yellow sand, she still smiled and said she's fine and back on her vehicle.
Like everything else in life, our excursion headed to an end after enjoying moments of escalating joy. On the way home, we still were cheerfully chatting ceaselessly, hided how sorry we all were, and felt some kind of reluctancy about returning to the city and the routine. Now being almost an expert thereof, luckily I felt mostly recharged and all freshed up.
Tuesday, February 13, 2007
Full Text of Senator Barack Obama's Announcement for President
Let me begin by saying thanks to all you who've traveled, from far and wide, to brave the cold today.
We all made this journey for a reason. It's humbling, but in my heart I know you didn't come here just for me, you came here because you believe in what this country can be. In the face of war, you believe there can be peace. In the face of despair, you believe there can be hope. In the face of a politics that's shut you out, that's told you to settle, that's divided us for too long, you believe we can be one people, reaching for what's possible, building that more perfect union.
That's the journey we're on today. But let me tell you how I came to be here. As most of you know, I am not a native of this great state. I moved to Illinois over two decades ago. I was a young man then, just a year out of college; I knew no one in Chicago, was without money or family connections. But a group of churches had offered me a job as a community organizer for $13,000 a year. And I accepted the job, sight unseen, motivated then by a single, simple, powerful idea - that I might play a small part in building a better America.
My work took me to some of Chicago's poorest neighborhoods. I joined with pastors and lay-people to deal with communities that had been ravaged by plant closings. I saw that the problems people faced weren't simply local in nature - that the decision to close a steel mill was made by distant executives; that the lack of textbooks and computers in schools could be traced to the skewed priorities of politicians a thousand miles away; and that when a child turns to violence, there's a hole in his heart no government could ever fill.
It was in these neighborhoods that I received the best education I ever had, and where I learned the true meaning of my Christian faith.
After three years of this work, I went to law school, because I wanted to understand how the law should work for those in need. I became a civil rights lawyer, and taught constitutional law, and after a time, I came to understand that our cherished rights of liberty and equality depend on the active participation of an awakened electorate. It was with these ideas in mind that I arrived in this capital city as a state Senator.
It was here, in Springfield, where I saw all that is America converge - farmers and teachers, businessmen and laborers, all of them with a story to tell, all of them seeking a seat at the table, all of them clamoring to be heard. I made lasting friendships here - friends that I see in the audience today.
It was here we learned to disagree without being disagreeable - that it's possible to compromise so long as you know those principles that can never be compromised; and that so long as we're willing to listen to each other, we can assume the best in people instead of the worst.
That's why we were able to reform a death penalty system that was broken. That's why we were able to give health insurance to children in need. That's why we made the tax system more fair and just for working families, and that's why we passed ethics reforms that the cynics said could never, ever be passed.
It was here, in Springfield, where North, South, East and West come together that I was reminded of the essential decency of the American people - where I came to believe that through this decency, we can build a more hopeful America.
And that is why, in the shadow of the Old State Capitol, where Lincoln once called on a divided house to stand together, where common hopes and common dreams still, I stand before you today to announce my candidacy for President of the United States.
I recognize there is a certain presumptuousness - a certain audacity - to this announcement. I know I haven't spent a lot of time learning the ways of Washington. But I've been there long enough to know that the ways of Washington must change.
The genius of our founders is that they designed a system of government that can be changed. And we should take heart, because we've changed this country before. In the face of tyranny, a band of patriots brought an Empire to its knees. In the face of secession, we unified a nation and set the captives free. In the face of Depression, we put people back to work and lifted millions out of poverty. We welcomed immigrants to our shores, we opened railroads to the west, we landed a man on the moon, and we heard a King's call to let justice roll down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
Each and every time, a new generation has risen up and done what's needed to be done. Today we are called once more - and it is time for our generation to answer that call.
For that is our unyielding faith - that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it.
That's what Abraham Lincoln understood. He had his doubts. He had his defeats. He had his setbacks. But through his will and his words, he moved a nation and helped free a people. It is because of the millions who rallied to his cause that we are no longer divided, North and South, slave and free. It is because men and women of every race, from every walk of life, continued to march for freedom long after Lincoln was laid to rest, that today we have the chance to face the challenges of this millennium together, as one people - as Americans.
All of us know what those challenges are today - a war with no end, a dependence on oil that threatens our future, schools where too many children aren't learning, and families struggling paycheck to paycheck despite working as hard as they can. We know the challenges. We've heard them. We've talked about them for years.
What's stopped us from meeting these challenges is not the absence of sound policies and sensible plans. What's stopped us is the failure of leadership, the smallness of our politics - the ease with which we're distracted by the petty and trivial, our chronic avoidance of tough decisions, our preference for scoring cheap political points instead of rolling up our sleeves and building a working consensus to tackle big problems.
For the last six years we've been told that our mounting debts don't matter, we've been told that the anxiety Americans feel about rising health care costs and stagnant wages are an illusion, we've been told that climate change is a hoax, and that tough talk and an ill-conceived war can replace diplomacy, and strategy, and foresight. And when all else fails, when Katrina happens, or the death toll in Iraq mounts, we've been told that our crises are somebody else's fault. We're distracted from our real failures, and told to blame the other party, or gay people, or immigrants.
And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what's filled the void. The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the special interests who've turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter, they think they own this government, but we're here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It's time to turn the page.
We've made some progress already. I was proud to help lead the fight in Congress that led to the most sweeping ethics reform since Watergate.
But Washington has a long way to go. And it won't be easy. That's why we'll have to set priorities. We'll have to make hard choices. And although government will play a crucial role in bringing about the changes we need, more money and programs alone will not get us where we need to go. Each of us, in our own lives, will have to accept responsibility - for instilling an ethic of achievement in our children, for adapting to a more competitive economy, for strengthening our communities, and sharing some measure of sacrifice. So let us begin. Let us begin this hard work together. Let us transform this nation.
Let us be the generation that reshapes our economy to compete in the digital age. Let's set high standards for our schools and give them the resources they need to succeed. Let's recruit a new army of teachers, and give them better pay and more support in exchange for more accountability. Let's make college more affordable, and let's invest in scientific research, and let's lay down broadband lines through the heart of inner cities and rural towns all across America.
And as our economy changes, let's be the generation that ensures our nation's workers are sharing in our prosperity. Let's protect the hard-earned benefits their companies have promised. Let's make it possible for hardworking Americans to save for retirement. And let's allow our unions and their organizers to lift up this country's middle-class again.
Let's be the generation that ends poverty in America. Every single person willing to work should be able to get job training that leads to a job, and earn a living wage that can pay the bills, and afford child care so their kids have a safe place to go when they work. Let's do this.
Let's be the generation that finally tackles our health care crisis. We can control costs by focusing on prevention, by providing better treatment to the chronically ill, and using technology to cut the bureaucracy. Let's be the generation that says right here, right now, that we will have universal health care in America by the end of the next president's first term.
Let's be the generation that finally frees America from the tyranny of oil. We can harness homegrown, alternative fuels like ethanol and spur the production of more fuel-efficient cars. We can set up a system for capping greenhouse gases. We can turn this crisis of global warming into a moment of opportunity for innovation, and job creation, and an incentive for businesses that will serve as a model for the world. Let's be the generation that makes future generations proud of what we did here.
Most of all, let's be the generation that never forgets what happened on that September day and confront the terrorists with everything we've got. Politics doesn't have to divide us on this anymore - we can work together to keep our country safe. I've worked with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law that will secure and destroy some of the world's deadliest, unguarded weapons. We can work together to track terrorists down with a stronger military, we can tighten the net around their finances, and we can improve our intelligence capabilities. But let us also understand that ultimate victory against our enemies will come only by rebuilding our alliances and exporting those ideals that bring hope and opportunity to millions around the globe.
But all of this cannot come to pass until we bring an end to this war in Iraq. Most of you know I opposed this war from the start. I thought it was a tragic mistake. Today we grieve for the families who have lost loved ones, the hearts that have been broken, and the young lives that could have been. America, it's time to start bringing our troops home. It's time to admit that no amount of American lives can resolve the political disagreement that lies at the heart of someone else's civil war. That's why I have a plan that will bring our combat troops home by March of 2008. Letting the Iraqis know that we will not be there forever is our last, best hope to pressure the Sunni and Shia to come to the table and find peace.
Finally, there is one other thing that is not too late to get right about this war - and that is the homecoming of the men and women - our veterans - who have sacrificed the most. Let us honor their valor by providing the care they need and rebuilding the military they love. Let us be the generation that begins this work.
I know there are those who don't believe we can do all these things. I understand the skepticism. After all, every four years, candidates from both parties make similar promises, and I expect this year will be no different. All of us running for president will travel around the country offering ten-point plans and making grand speeches; all of us will trumpet those qualities we believe make us uniquely qualified to lead the country. But too many times, after the election is over, and the confetti is swept away, all those promises fade from memory, and the lobbyists and the special interests move in, and people turn away, disappointed as before, left to struggle on their own.
That is why this campaign can't only be about me. It must be about us - it must be about what we can do together. This campaign must be the occasion, the vehicle, of your hopes, and your dreams. It will take your time, your energy, and your advice - to push us forward when we're doing right, and to let us know when we're not. This campaign has to be about reclaiming the meaning of citizenship, restoring our sense of common purpose, and realizing that few obstacles can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.
By ourselves, this change will not happen. Divided, we are bound to fail.
But the life of a tall, gangly, self-made Springfield lawyer tells us that a different future is possible.
He tells us that there is power in words.
He tells us that there is power in conviction.
That beneath all the differences of race and region, faith and station, we are one people.
He tells us that there is power in hope.
As Lincoln organized the forces arrayed against slavery, he was heard to say: "Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought to battle through."
That is our purpose here today.
That's why I'm in this race.
Not just to hold an office, but to gather with you to transform a nation.
I want to win that next battle - for justice and opportunity.
I want to win that next battle - for better schools, and better jobs, and health care for all.
I want us to take up the unfinished business of perfecting our union, and building a better America.
And if you will join me in this improbable quest, if you feel destiny calling, and see as I see, a future of endless possibility stretching before us; if you sense, as I sense, that the time is now to shake off our slumber, and slough off our fear, and make good on the debt we owe past and future generations, then I'm ready to take up the cause, and march with you, and work with you. Together, starting today, let us finish the work that needs to be done, and usher in a new birth of freedom on this Earth.
We all made this journey for a reason. It's humbling, but in my heart I know you didn't come here just for me, you came here because you believe in what this country can be. In the face of war, you believe there can be peace. In the face of despair, you believe there can be hope. In the face of a politics that's shut you out, that's told you to settle, that's divided us for too long, you believe we can be one people, reaching for what's possible, building that more perfect union.
That's the journey we're on today. But let me tell you how I came to be here. As most of you know, I am not a native of this great state. I moved to Illinois over two decades ago. I was a young man then, just a year out of college; I knew no one in Chicago, was without money or family connections. But a group of churches had offered me a job as a community organizer for $13,000 a year. And I accepted the job, sight unseen, motivated then by a single, simple, powerful idea - that I might play a small part in building a better America.
My work took me to some of Chicago's poorest neighborhoods. I joined with pastors and lay-people to deal with communities that had been ravaged by plant closings. I saw that the problems people faced weren't simply local in nature - that the decision to close a steel mill was made by distant executives; that the lack of textbooks and computers in schools could be traced to the skewed priorities of politicians a thousand miles away; and that when a child turns to violence, there's a hole in his heart no government could ever fill.
It was in these neighborhoods that I received the best education I ever had, and where I learned the true meaning of my Christian faith.
After three years of this work, I went to law school, because I wanted to understand how the law should work for those in need. I became a civil rights lawyer, and taught constitutional law, and after a time, I came to understand that our cherished rights of liberty and equality depend on the active participation of an awakened electorate. It was with these ideas in mind that I arrived in this capital city as a state Senator.
It was here, in Springfield, where I saw all that is America converge - farmers and teachers, businessmen and laborers, all of them with a story to tell, all of them seeking a seat at the table, all of them clamoring to be heard. I made lasting friendships here - friends that I see in the audience today.
It was here we learned to disagree without being disagreeable - that it's possible to compromise so long as you know those principles that can never be compromised; and that so long as we're willing to listen to each other, we can assume the best in people instead of the worst.
That's why we were able to reform a death penalty system that was broken. That's why we were able to give health insurance to children in need. That's why we made the tax system more fair and just for working families, and that's why we passed ethics reforms that the cynics said could never, ever be passed.
It was here, in Springfield, where North, South, East and West come together that I was reminded of the essential decency of the American people - where I came to believe that through this decency, we can build a more hopeful America.
And that is why, in the shadow of the Old State Capitol, where Lincoln once called on a divided house to stand together, where common hopes and common dreams still, I stand before you today to announce my candidacy for President of the United States.
I recognize there is a certain presumptuousness - a certain audacity - to this announcement. I know I haven't spent a lot of time learning the ways of Washington. But I've been there long enough to know that the ways of Washington must change.
The genius of our founders is that they designed a system of government that can be changed. And we should take heart, because we've changed this country before. In the face of tyranny, a band of patriots brought an Empire to its knees. In the face of secession, we unified a nation and set the captives free. In the face of Depression, we put people back to work and lifted millions out of poverty. We welcomed immigrants to our shores, we opened railroads to the west, we landed a man on the moon, and we heard a King's call to let justice roll down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
Each and every time, a new generation has risen up and done what's needed to be done. Today we are called once more - and it is time for our generation to answer that call.
For that is our unyielding faith - that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it.
That's what Abraham Lincoln understood. He had his doubts. He had his defeats. He had his setbacks. But through his will and his words, he moved a nation and helped free a people. It is because of the millions who rallied to his cause that we are no longer divided, North and South, slave and free. It is because men and women of every race, from every walk of life, continued to march for freedom long after Lincoln was laid to rest, that today we have the chance to face the challenges of this millennium together, as one people - as Americans.
All of us know what those challenges are today - a war with no end, a dependence on oil that threatens our future, schools where too many children aren't learning, and families struggling paycheck to paycheck despite working as hard as they can. We know the challenges. We've heard them. We've talked about them for years.
What's stopped us from meeting these challenges is not the absence of sound policies and sensible plans. What's stopped us is the failure of leadership, the smallness of our politics - the ease with which we're distracted by the petty and trivial, our chronic avoidance of tough decisions, our preference for scoring cheap political points instead of rolling up our sleeves and building a working consensus to tackle big problems.
For the last six years we've been told that our mounting debts don't matter, we've been told that the anxiety Americans feel about rising health care costs and stagnant wages are an illusion, we've been told that climate change is a hoax, and that tough talk and an ill-conceived war can replace diplomacy, and strategy, and foresight. And when all else fails, when Katrina happens, or the death toll in Iraq mounts, we've been told that our crises are somebody else's fault. We're distracted from our real failures, and told to blame the other party, or gay people, or immigrants.
And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration, we know what's filled the void. The cynics, and the lobbyists, and the special interests who've turned our government into a game only they can afford to play. They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter, they think they own this government, but we're here today to take it back. The time for that politics is over. It's time to turn the page.
We've made some progress already. I was proud to help lead the fight in Congress that led to the most sweeping ethics reform since Watergate.
But Washington has a long way to go. And it won't be easy. That's why we'll have to set priorities. We'll have to make hard choices. And although government will play a crucial role in bringing about the changes we need, more money and programs alone will not get us where we need to go. Each of us, in our own lives, will have to accept responsibility - for instilling an ethic of achievement in our children, for adapting to a more competitive economy, for strengthening our communities, and sharing some measure of sacrifice. So let us begin. Let us begin this hard work together. Let us transform this nation.
Let us be the generation that reshapes our economy to compete in the digital age. Let's set high standards for our schools and give them the resources they need to succeed. Let's recruit a new army of teachers, and give them better pay and more support in exchange for more accountability. Let's make college more affordable, and let's invest in scientific research, and let's lay down broadband lines through the heart of inner cities and rural towns all across America.
And as our economy changes, let's be the generation that ensures our nation's workers are sharing in our prosperity. Let's protect the hard-earned benefits their companies have promised. Let's make it possible for hardworking Americans to save for retirement. And let's allow our unions and their organizers to lift up this country's middle-class again.
Let's be the generation that ends poverty in America. Every single person willing to work should be able to get job training that leads to a job, and earn a living wage that can pay the bills, and afford child care so their kids have a safe place to go when they work. Let's do this.
Let's be the generation that finally tackles our health care crisis. We can control costs by focusing on prevention, by providing better treatment to the chronically ill, and using technology to cut the bureaucracy. Let's be the generation that says right here, right now, that we will have universal health care in America by the end of the next president's first term.
Let's be the generation that finally frees America from the tyranny of oil. We can harness homegrown, alternative fuels like ethanol and spur the production of more fuel-efficient cars. We can set up a system for capping greenhouse gases. We can turn this crisis of global warming into a moment of opportunity for innovation, and job creation, and an incentive for businesses that will serve as a model for the world. Let's be the generation that makes future generations proud of what we did here.
Most of all, let's be the generation that never forgets what happened on that September day and confront the terrorists with everything we've got. Politics doesn't have to divide us on this anymore - we can work together to keep our country safe. I've worked with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law that will secure and destroy some of the world's deadliest, unguarded weapons. We can work together to track terrorists down with a stronger military, we can tighten the net around their finances, and we can improve our intelligence capabilities. But let us also understand that ultimate victory against our enemies will come only by rebuilding our alliances and exporting those ideals that bring hope and opportunity to millions around the globe.
But all of this cannot come to pass until we bring an end to this war in Iraq. Most of you know I opposed this war from the start. I thought it was a tragic mistake. Today we grieve for the families who have lost loved ones, the hearts that have been broken, and the young lives that could have been. America, it's time to start bringing our troops home. It's time to admit that no amount of American lives can resolve the political disagreement that lies at the heart of someone else's civil war. That's why I have a plan that will bring our combat troops home by March of 2008. Letting the Iraqis know that we will not be there forever is our last, best hope to pressure the Sunni and Shia to come to the table and find peace.
Finally, there is one other thing that is not too late to get right about this war - and that is the homecoming of the men and women - our veterans - who have sacrificed the most. Let us honor their valor by providing the care they need and rebuilding the military they love. Let us be the generation that begins this work.
I know there are those who don't believe we can do all these things. I understand the skepticism. After all, every four years, candidates from both parties make similar promises, and I expect this year will be no different. All of us running for president will travel around the country offering ten-point plans and making grand speeches; all of us will trumpet those qualities we believe make us uniquely qualified to lead the country. But too many times, after the election is over, and the confetti is swept away, all those promises fade from memory, and the lobbyists and the special interests move in, and people turn away, disappointed as before, left to struggle on their own.
That is why this campaign can't only be about me. It must be about us - it must be about what we can do together. This campaign must be the occasion, the vehicle, of your hopes, and your dreams. It will take your time, your energy, and your advice - to push us forward when we're doing right, and to let us know when we're not. This campaign has to be about reclaiming the meaning of citizenship, restoring our sense of common purpose, and realizing that few obstacles can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.
By ourselves, this change will not happen. Divided, we are bound to fail.
But the life of a tall, gangly, self-made Springfield lawyer tells us that a different future is possible.
He tells us that there is power in words.
He tells us that there is power in conviction.
That beneath all the differences of race and region, faith and station, we are one people.
He tells us that there is power in hope.
As Lincoln organized the forces arrayed against slavery, he was heard to say: "Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought to battle through."
That is our purpose here today.
That's why I'm in this race.
Not just to hold an office, but to gather with you to transform a nation.
I want to win that next battle - for justice and opportunity.
I want to win that next battle - for better schools, and better jobs, and health care for all.
I want us to take up the unfinished business of perfecting our union, and building a better America.
And if you will join me in this improbable quest, if you feel destiny calling, and see as I see, a future of endless possibility stretching before us; if you sense, as I sense, that the time is now to shake off our slumber, and slough off our fear, and make good on the debt we owe past and future generations, then I'm ready to take up the cause, and march with you, and work with you. Together, starting today, let us finish the work that needs to be done, and usher in a new birth of freedom on this Earth.
Seoul's N. Korea burden.
SEOUL, South Korea (UPI) -- At a time when nuclear envoys are struggling to reach a deal on persuading North Korea to end its nuclear arms program in return for massive energy aid, critics and the opposition in South Korea have expressed concerns about the country`s financial demands.
North Korea continues to demand large energy shipments in exchange for taking steps toward denuclearization. It remains to be seen how much South Korea and the other four countries involved in the six-nation nuclear talks will commit themselves in a joint aid package to the impoverished North.
South Korea has said the burden of energy aid should be shared, stressing denuclearization of the Korean peninsula will benefit the United States, Japan, China and Russia, or all parties involved in the talks.
But critics and the opposition party here say Seoul may foot the entire bill because South Korea is likely to chair a working group on economic and energy assistance to the North under the six-nation dialogue formula. Other working groups would be chaired by other parties to discuss denuclearization, normalization of diplomatic relations and a peace treaty formally ending the 1950-53 Korean War.
Japan has ruled out funding an energy deal for the North, citing a dispute over kidnapped Japanese. 'It is clear that we cannot provide aid (to North Korea) unless there is progress on the abduction issue,' Foreign Minister Taro Aso said.
The United States has been kept mum on the burden sharing, hinting at its reluctance to shoulder a considerable share. The New York Times reported South Korea is expected to pay for fuel oil shipments to the North, while the United States would begin talks over normalization of relations with the North -- indicating Washington would play only a political role.
Russia prefers forgiving the North`s debts instead of providing it with energy. Moscow has reportedly decided to write off 80 percent of $8 billion owed by North Korea. China, host of the six-party talks, has already played the most important role in resolving the nuclear standoff in a diplomatic manner.
With mounting concerns over the costs of the proposed energy deal, South Korea`s main opposition Grand National Party called for the Seoul government to refrain from taking a leading role in supplying heavy fuel oil to the North, indicating it would not approve any budgets.
The largest party in the National Assembly said it is ludicrous for South Korea to take on the bulk of the burden in relieving Pyongyang`s energy needs.
'The issue of providing North Korea with heavy oil should be shared fairly among the participants of the six-party talks and the government should do its utmost to achieve this arrangement,' GNP spokeswoman Na Kyung-won said in a statement.
The party has long been critical of Seoul`s unconditional economic aid to the North, saying such an aid would help prolong the life of the totalitarian regime that oppresses its people and endangers the stability of Northeast Asia.
Analysts say South Korea may pay up to 6.5 trillion won ($6.9 billion) to meet the North`s energy demand as Pyongyang is demanding 2 million tons of fuel oil annually, plus 2 million kilowatts of electricity for taking the steps in toward denuclearization.
The 2 million kilowatts of electrical power is equal to the amount which two light-water reactors that were to have been built under a 1994 accord between the United States and North Korea would have generated.
If the North is given 500,000 metric tons of heavy oil -- the same amount provided under the 1994 deal -- South Korea and other four parties should pay for $30 million to $40 million each. If the four others refuse to pay, the South is expected to foot the entire bill of $150 million to $200 million for the fuel costs.
The construction of new light-waters reactors would cost 1 trillion won ($1.1 billion). South Korea has already promised to supply North Korea with 2 million kilowatts of electricity free of charge if the communist country agrees to abandon its nuclear ambitions, which would cost some 8 trillion won ($8.5 billion).
Copyright 2007 by United Press International
North Korea continues to demand large energy shipments in exchange for taking steps toward denuclearization. It remains to be seen how much South Korea and the other four countries involved in the six-nation nuclear talks will commit themselves in a joint aid package to the impoverished North.
South Korea has said the burden of energy aid should be shared, stressing denuclearization of the Korean peninsula will benefit the United States, Japan, China and Russia, or all parties involved in the talks.
But critics and the opposition party here say Seoul may foot the entire bill because South Korea is likely to chair a working group on economic and energy assistance to the North under the six-nation dialogue formula. Other working groups would be chaired by other parties to discuss denuclearization, normalization of diplomatic relations and a peace treaty formally ending the 1950-53 Korean War.
Japan has ruled out funding an energy deal for the North, citing a dispute over kidnapped Japanese. 'It is clear that we cannot provide aid (to North Korea) unless there is progress on the abduction issue,' Foreign Minister Taro Aso said.
The United States has been kept mum on the burden sharing, hinting at its reluctance to shoulder a considerable share. The New York Times reported South Korea is expected to pay for fuel oil shipments to the North, while the United States would begin talks over normalization of relations with the North -- indicating Washington would play only a political role.
Russia prefers forgiving the North`s debts instead of providing it with energy. Moscow has reportedly decided to write off 80 percent of $8 billion owed by North Korea. China, host of the six-party talks, has already played the most important role in resolving the nuclear standoff in a diplomatic manner.
With mounting concerns over the costs of the proposed energy deal, South Korea`s main opposition Grand National Party called for the Seoul government to refrain from taking a leading role in supplying heavy fuel oil to the North, indicating it would not approve any budgets.
The largest party in the National Assembly said it is ludicrous for South Korea to take on the bulk of the burden in relieving Pyongyang`s energy needs.
'The issue of providing North Korea with heavy oil should be shared fairly among the participants of the six-party talks and the government should do its utmost to achieve this arrangement,' GNP spokeswoman Na Kyung-won said in a statement.
The party has long been critical of Seoul`s unconditional economic aid to the North, saying such an aid would help prolong the life of the totalitarian regime that oppresses its people and endangers the stability of Northeast Asia.
Analysts say South Korea may pay up to 6.5 trillion won ($6.9 billion) to meet the North`s energy demand as Pyongyang is demanding 2 million tons of fuel oil annually, plus 2 million kilowatts of electricity for taking the steps in toward denuclearization.
The 2 million kilowatts of electrical power is equal to the amount which two light-water reactors that were to have been built under a 1994 accord between the United States and North Korea would have generated.
If the North is given 500,000 metric tons of heavy oil -- the same amount provided under the 1994 deal -- South Korea and other four parties should pay for $30 million to $40 million each. If the four others refuse to pay, the South is expected to foot the entire bill of $150 million to $200 million for the fuel costs.
The construction of new light-waters reactors would cost 1 trillion won ($1.1 billion). South Korea has already promised to supply North Korea with 2 million kilowatts of electricity free of charge if the communist country agrees to abandon its nuclear ambitions, which would cost some 8 trillion won ($8.5 billion).
Copyright 2007 by United Press International
Wednesday, February 07, 2007
End of Uri Party and the Last Man Standing?
Twenty three law makers from the governing Uri party in Korea announced to desert the party for establishing another, which demoted the beleaguered party to the second place in the national assembly with 110 seats, whereas the main opposition Grand National Party (hereinafter referred to as "GNP") having 127 seats now emerges to the first place in the assembly. In the statement during the press conference where all leaving lawmakers bowed publicly, which I still cannot figure out their intention behind the awkward action, the deserters made clear about their plan to form a floor negotiating group that will be the third largest in the parliament.
Their action is largely viewed as a rather cowdice and opportunistic action because mainly it took place when their deserting party is in the deepest trouble, presidential campaigns are heated, and the Uri party is viewed as the one short of condidence thereof. Well,,, personally, I don't see any chance that one of the leaving lawmakers would have slightest chance to be elected for the seat or even run for the office, but perhaps some of them may hope for a position in the upcoming new administration, thanks to most blind voters who have notoriously been suffered from short-term memory loss symptoms. The thing disguests me the most is the public gesture they chose; bowing in front of all major media in the nation. For those who are not so familiar with Korean customs, Koreans usually bow when they apologize for something or express their respect and well-being to someone. But in this case, I don't see any of the causes can be applied. Would they feel sorry for their decision and like to apologize for what they already had decided? No,, absolutely not! Most likely, they would probably feel so relieved by stepping out of from the pithold, which is the party once they pledged their loyalty, and their minds so busy with planning manipulative schedules to survive through the chaos and having hopes to be again emerged at the next administration.
I hate to say this, but they are the kind of people who won't hesitate to leave you if you turn out to be not so useful for them. Then, I think it is only fair for us not to give them positions to take care of us, as they aren't just strong or right in mind enough for the jobs.
Leaving lawmakers include
원내대표를 지낸 김한길 의원과 정책위의장을 지낸 강봉균 의원, 이강래 예결위원장, 조일현 건교위원장, 조배숙 문화관광위원장, 이종걸, 양형일, 주승용, 노현송, 최규식, 김낙순, 장경수, 노웅래, 박상돈, 전병헌, 우제항, 우제창, 변재일, 최용규, 제종길, 서재관, 우윤근, 이근식 의원등
Their action is largely viewed as a rather cowdice and opportunistic action because mainly it took place when their deserting party is in the deepest trouble, presidential campaigns are heated, and the Uri party is viewed as the one short of condidence thereof. Well,,, personally, I don't see any chance that one of the leaving lawmakers would have slightest chance to be elected for the seat or even run for the office, but perhaps some of them may hope for a position in the upcoming new administration, thanks to most blind voters who have notoriously been suffered from short-term memory loss symptoms. The thing disguests me the most is the public gesture they chose; bowing in front of all major media in the nation. For those who are not so familiar with Korean customs, Koreans usually bow when they apologize for something or express their respect and well-being to someone. But in this case, I don't see any of the causes can be applied. Would they feel sorry for their decision and like to apologize for what they already had decided? No,, absolutely not! Most likely, they would probably feel so relieved by stepping out of from the pithold, which is the party once they pledged their loyalty, and their minds so busy with planning manipulative schedules to survive through the chaos and having hopes to be again emerged at the next administration.
I hate to say this, but they are the kind of people who won't hesitate to leave you if you turn out to be not so useful for them. Then, I think it is only fair for us not to give them positions to take care of us, as they aren't just strong or right in mind enough for the jobs.
Leaving lawmakers include
원내대표를 지낸 김한길 의원과 정책위의장을 지낸 강봉균 의원, 이강래 예결위원장, 조일현 건교위원장, 조배숙 문화관광위원장, 이종걸, 양형일, 주승용, 노현송, 최규식, 김낙순, 장경수, 노웅래, 박상돈, 전병헌, 우제항, 우제창, 변재일, 최용규, 제종길, 서재관, 우윤근, 이근식 의원등
Monday, February 05, 2007
House of rooster and rare.
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Yesterday was ‘立春(입춘; Yip-chun)’ the first season of a year, which signals the beginning of spring, and usually after this date, climate tends to become milder day by day. However, I had to be suffered from a cold over the weekend, probably from one of my colleagues who sits behind me. ~~; Feeling much better now after spending literally whole afternoon of Sunday in the bed and my head much clearer additionally.
Two weeks from now is the Chinese New Year day, one of the biggest holidays in the country. Luckily most of my relatives live near Seoul, so it won’t be necessary for me to travel too far, you wouldn’t be able to imagine how unrealistic traffic can be during the period.
Two weeks from now is the Chinese New Year day, one of the biggest holidays in the country. Luckily most of my relatives live near Seoul, so it won’t be necessary for me to travel too far, you wouldn’t be able to imagine how unrealistic traffic can be during the period.
On Saturday evening, I was invited to "a house of rooster and rare," a house owned by a couple who I became acquainted while attending in a study group for sometime. It was located relatively far from the downtown, and thus its environment was rather intact than other places in the city. In deed, air was crisp and clean, not much noise from traffic was able to reach to the place. Only not particularly necessary noise we had during our conversation were occasional cries from a rooster, cracking noise from running scared rare that lives in the same cage with the rooster, and laughter from their two children, Young and Hyun, very very adorable kids. How dream-like house they have, I thought myself. Kim’s wife is an English lady whose hair is very light red and blond mixed together, and became married to Kim when he still studied in England. Seemingly very nice lady with a warm but a firm voice to her children. There, again, I found I was the only member who's still single, no wonder why they didn't even bother to ask me to bring family members - yes, all the other members brought their wives and children. -Our gathering went pleasant, and the cake I brought was all consumed by guests, certainly Kim's wife (gosh, I forgot to ask her name!) seemed quite happy when she saw the cake that eventually filled up some empty space of her table for our afternoon tea time. The boss from the APEC who initially introduced me to the group also brought his family; his wife very modest looking yet clear about her thoughts; his son currently serving civil duty as a soldier; daughter entering a prestigious women’s college in the country this year. Another member of the group is a businessman from Samsung Co., Ltd., who also brought his wife and a son; both very good-looking. As a token of appreciation from the host for visiting their house, we all were provided with a book from his selections, which I insisted to have two; one about 20 century world history especially focused on the European ones, and the other about Korea's modern history & politics. Both look fairly interesting and I look forward to having some time to read them.Meeting with families of members gave me another rare pleasure, since it helped me to understand those I have known for a while in a deeper level, and accordingly made me feel closer to them. It was shame that I didn't know I was supposed to bring my family and, more than that, I don't yet have my own family.Although, I couldn't stay longer as I had another appointment, and felt awfully sorry for the hostess accordingly, we all had a very valuable time in ‘the house of rooster and rare’ in a comfy Saturday afternoon.
I meant to write you a ‘proper’ letter for some time, my great apology for not doing so for such a long time. I wish you are now all recovered from the cold you told me last time, and making a big progress at your work. I remain,
Truthfully,
Alexa from Seoul
I meant to write you a ‘proper’ letter for some time, my great apology for not doing so for such a long time. I wish you are now all recovered from the cold you told me last time, and making a big progress at your work. I remain,
Truthfully,
Alexa from Seoul
Friday, February 02, 2007
Barrack Obama
Below is a piece from Obama's Presidential Exploratory Committee website, captured from his campaign for the US Senate open seat in Illinois in 2004. A rare piece of a very appealing speech I found he made there.
At the end of the speech, he called out for nation's unity by saying,
"The pundits like to slice-and-dice our country into Red States and Blue States; Red States for Republicans, Blue States for Democrats. But I've got news for them too. We worship an awesome God in the Blue States, and we don't like federal agents poking around in our libraries in the Red States. We coach Little League in the Blue States and yes, we got some gay friends in the Red States. There are patriots who opposed the war in Iraq and patriots who supported the war in Iraq. We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America."
* Link to Obama's speech.
http://link.brightcove.com/services/link/bcpid416542522/bctid422561644
At the end of the speech, he called out for nation's unity by saying,
"The pundits like to slice-and-dice our country into Red States and Blue States; Red States for Republicans, Blue States for Democrats. But I've got news for them too. We worship an awesome God in the Blue States, and we don't like federal agents poking around in our libraries in the Red States. We coach Little League in the Blue States and yes, we got some gay friends in the Red States. There are patriots who opposed the war in Iraq and patriots who supported the war in Iraq. We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America."
* Link to Obama's speech.
http://link.brightcove.com/services/link/bcpid416542522/bctid422561644
A white raven.
painted by an indigenous local artist in the northern BC, in spite of a relatively not known reputation of his, I decided to be fond of the fashion of his paintings, the fire he possesses in his heart that he obviously hasn't found a place to release, just yet. Such a strong and clear zest he has!
Return of Lorence of Arabia
Peter O'Toole is certainly aged, but I could still see his eyes full of zeal and vigor as they were back then fifty years ago in his most well known film of "Lorence of Arabia." And as the reporter described below, words from the mouth of this long-time Shakespearean simply melt.
The legend on awards, aging—and good Scotch.
Newsweek International
Feb. 5, 2007 issue - It's a bit of a shock when Peter O'Toole enters a room. He's unsteady on his feet—he's 74—and his piercing blue eyes are rheumy with age. You get the feeling that a strong wind might knock him down. But his shirt collar is at a jaunty angle, he's sporting a lovely ascot and when he opens his mouth to talk, you melt. The voice is still strong and sonorous. The edifice may be crumbling a bit but it's still standing. O'Toole is back in an all-too-familiar role: best-actor nominee. In "Venus," he breaks your heart as a once handsome thespian who develops a complicated relationship with a young woman. It's O'Toole's eighth Oscar nomination—he hasn't won one yet—and if he doesn't win, well, let's hope he never gives up trying. He spoke to NEWSWEEK's Nicki Gostin. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: "Venus" is not the typical movie about a relationship with an older person.Peter O'Toole: It's a story of a dirty old man and a slut of a young woman, and then it's an examination of these two casual platitudes, for neither is the full truth. Neither is the case. It has surprises and, I hope, great humor.
Did it make you think of your own mortality? No, not at all. It's a separate compartment. It's like asking a plumber when he finds a leak whether it reminds him that he may have prostate cancer.
In the movie Vanessa Redgrave looks at old pictures of you and says, "He was gorgeous." You were gorgeous. And now you get this prune. When one is young and vain and all the usual things that young men and women are, one never thinks one is anything in particular.
Do you still drink? Not in the same quantities, but I had a lovely Scotch last night. I just don't ... They were good days and I don't regret a drop. I remember Richard Burton and me, when we were doing "Becket," for 16 weeks we didn't have a drink. But the night we finished, oh Christ.
Could you drink Burton under the table? Neither of us could drink either of us under a table.
So it was a draw? [Laughs] Yes, yes.
What's the most you ever drank in one evening? Oh Christ, how can I remember that? In a book, I wrote, "Do you ever go into your local bar in Paris and wake up in Corsica?" So you can imagine.
Waking up on an island! Well, some people would wake up in a ditch or wake up in bed feeling awful. When I was a boy, people drank. That's what you did. We all drank far too much.
Are you married? Certainly not!
Are you seeing anyone? Certainly not!
So you don't miss the company? Certainly not!
Really? [Laughs] When you find me being so emphatic, it means I'm telling you nothing. I was born a bachelor.
But you were married. I was indeed, but I was born a bachelor. I love the company of women. I always have, and I hope I have some more of their company, but I don't particularly want to shack up with anybody. It's a very difficult institution, marriage. It's not for me.
Everyone complains as they get older that there are fewer and fewer parts. Of course there are less parts for old men and women, but you know someone always wants a wheezy, old granddad who will fall off his rocking chair.
Do you have any good friends left? They're all gone. Oh yes, I've got one left. I buried four last year. And what that is, of course, is a bloody inconvenience.
What, going to all the funerals? No. I like writing, and say I finish a chapter and I think, That's not bad, I'll go and ring Ron. And then I'll remember that Ron is dead. I wish they had more consideration than to die on me.
Does your doctor tell you to exercise? A couple of years back I was feeling a bit under the weather so I went to see a physio and he said I should do something, so I went to the cricket school in Lord's and spent six weeks there. I confess that I felt very good indeed. Came Christmas, I woke up and thought, I'm awake and I don't have to work, how lovely! I jumped out of bed, tripped on a pair of shoes and busted my hip. How's that for being fit?
Do you still read Shakespeare? I've got my sonnets by the side of the bed. But I think Shakespeare's plays are vastly overrated.
Really? I do, and above all vastly overdone. Royal F—-ing Shakespeare Company. There are maybe 10 or 11 plays which are masterpieces, which are sublime, but to do the whole 37 of the wretched, bloody things?
What do you think your odds are of getting the Oscar? Five to one, four to one, whatever it is.
I think you'll win. I've heard that for 50 years.
When you got the honorary Oscar you said you'd love to win the lovely bugger outright.Of course I would! I don't want to be an honorary anything. Give me a job and let me do it to my utmost, and if people feel like rewarding me with money or a medal, cool. But I don't want a gold watch at the end of retirement
© 2007 Newsweek, Inc.
The legend on awards, aging—and good Scotch.
Newsweek International
Feb. 5, 2007 issue - It's a bit of a shock when Peter O'Toole enters a room. He's unsteady on his feet—he's 74—and his piercing blue eyes are rheumy with age. You get the feeling that a strong wind might knock him down. But his shirt collar is at a jaunty angle, he's sporting a lovely ascot and when he opens his mouth to talk, you melt. The voice is still strong and sonorous. The edifice may be crumbling a bit but it's still standing. O'Toole is back in an all-too-familiar role: best-actor nominee. In "Venus," he breaks your heart as a once handsome thespian who develops a complicated relationship with a young woman. It's O'Toole's eighth Oscar nomination—he hasn't won one yet—and if he doesn't win, well, let's hope he never gives up trying. He spoke to NEWSWEEK's Nicki Gostin. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: "Venus" is not the typical movie about a relationship with an older person.Peter O'Toole: It's a story of a dirty old man and a slut of a young woman, and then it's an examination of these two casual platitudes, for neither is the full truth. Neither is the case. It has surprises and, I hope, great humor.
Did it make you think of your own mortality? No, not at all. It's a separate compartment. It's like asking a plumber when he finds a leak whether it reminds him that he may have prostate cancer.
In the movie Vanessa Redgrave looks at old pictures of you and says, "He was gorgeous." You were gorgeous. And now you get this prune. When one is young and vain and all the usual things that young men and women are, one never thinks one is anything in particular.
Do you still drink? Not in the same quantities, but I had a lovely Scotch last night. I just don't ... They were good days and I don't regret a drop. I remember Richard Burton and me, when we were doing "Becket," for 16 weeks we didn't have a drink. But the night we finished, oh Christ.
Could you drink Burton under the table? Neither of us could drink either of us under a table.
So it was a draw? [Laughs] Yes, yes.
What's the most you ever drank in one evening? Oh Christ, how can I remember that? In a book, I wrote, "Do you ever go into your local bar in Paris and wake up in Corsica?" So you can imagine.
Waking up on an island! Well, some people would wake up in a ditch or wake up in bed feeling awful. When I was a boy, people drank. That's what you did. We all drank far too much.
Are you married? Certainly not!
Are you seeing anyone? Certainly not!
So you don't miss the company? Certainly not!
Really? [Laughs] When you find me being so emphatic, it means I'm telling you nothing. I was born a bachelor.
But you were married. I was indeed, but I was born a bachelor. I love the company of women. I always have, and I hope I have some more of their company, but I don't particularly want to shack up with anybody. It's a very difficult institution, marriage. It's not for me.
Everyone complains as they get older that there are fewer and fewer parts. Of course there are less parts for old men and women, but you know someone always wants a wheezy, old granddad who will fall off his rocking chair.
Do you have any good friends left? They're all gone. Oh yes, I've got one left. I buried four last year. And what that is, of course, is a bloody inconvenience.
What, going to all the funerals? No. I like writing, and say I finish a chapter and I think, That's not bad, I'll go and ring Ron. And then I'll remember that Ron is dead. I wish they had more consideration than to die on me.
Does your doctor tell you to exercise? A couple of years back I was feeling a bit under the weather so I went to see a physio and he said I should do something, so I went to the cricket school in Lord's and spent six weeks there. I confess that I felt very good indeed. Came Christmas, I woke up and thought, I'm awake and I don't have to work, how lovely! I jumped out of bed, tripped on a pair of shoes and busted my hip. How's that for being fit?
Do you still read Shakespeare? I've got my sonnets by the side of the bed. But I think Shakespeare's plays are vastly overrated.
Really? I do, and above all vastly overdone. Royal F—-ing Shakespeare Company. There are maybe 10 or 11 plays which are masterpieces, which are sublime, but to do the whole 37 of the wretched, bloody things?
What do you think your odds are of getting the Oscar? Five to one, four to one, whatever it is.
I think you'll win. I've heard that for 50 years.
When you got the honorary Oscar you said you'd love to win the lovely bugger outright.Of course I would! I don't want to be an honorary anything. Give me a job and let me do it to my utmost, and if people feel like rewarding me with money or a medal, cool. But I don't want a gold watch at the end of retirement
© 2007 Newsweek, Inc.
Thursday, February 01, 2007
Song of Solomon 2
1 I am a rose of Sharon, a lily of the valleys.
2 Like a lily among thorns is my darling among the maidens.
3 Like an apple tree among the trees of the forest is my lover among the young men. I delight to sit in his shade, and his fruit is sweet to my taste.
4 He has taken me to the banquet hall, and his banner over me is love.
5 Strengthen me with raisins, refresh me with apples, for I am faint with love.
6 His left arm is under my head, and his right arm embraces me.
7 Daughters of Jerusalem, I charge you by the gazelles and by the does of the field: Do not arouse or awaken love until it so desires.
8 Listen! My lover! Look! Here he comes, leaping across the mountains, bounding over the hills.
9 My lover is like a gazelle or a young stag. Look! There he stands behind our wall, gazing through the windows, peering through the lattice.
10 My lover spoke and said to me, "Arise, my darling, my beautiful one, and come with me.
11 See! The winter is past; the rains are over and gone.
12 Flowers appear on the earth; the season of singing has come, the cooing of doves is heard in our land.
13 The fig tree forms its early fruit; the blossoming vines spread their fragrance. Arise, come, my darling; my beautiful one, come with me."
14 My dove in the clefts of the rock, in the hiding places on the mountainside, show me your face, let me hear your voice; for your voice is sweet, and your face is lovely.
15 Catch for us the foxes, the little foxes that ruin the vineyards, our vineyards that are in bloom.
16 My lover is mine and I am his; he browses among the lilies.
17 Until the day breaks and the shadows flee, turn, my lover, and be like a gazelle or like a young stag on the rugged hills. [c]
2 Like a lily among thorns is my darling among the maidens.
3 Like an apple tree among the trees of the forest is my lover among the young men. I delight to sit in his shade, and his fruit is sweet to my taste.
4 He has taken me to the banquet hall, and his banner over me is love.
5 Strengthen me with raisins, refresh me with apples, for I am faint with love.
6 His left arm is under my head, and his right arm embraces me.
7 Daughters of Jerusalem, I charge you by the gazelles and by the does of the field: Do not arouse or awaken love until it so desires.
8 Listen! My lover! Look! Here he comes, leaping across the mountains, bounding over the hills.
9 My lover is like a gazelle or a young stag. Look! There he stands behind our wall, gazing through the windows, peering through the lattice.
10 My lover spoke and said to me, "Arise, my darling, my beautiful one, and come with me.
11 See! The winter is past; the rains are over and gone.
12 Flowers appear on the earth; the season of singing has come, the cooing of doves is heard in our land.
13 The fig tree forms its early fruit; the blossoming vines spread their fragrance. Arise, come, my darling; my beautiful one, come with me."
14 My dove in the clefts of the rock, in the hiding places on the mountainside, show me your face, let me hear your voice; for your voice is sweet, and your face is lovely.
15 Catch for us the foxes, the little foxes that ruin the vineyards, our vineyards that are in bloom.
16 My lover is mine and I am his; he browses among the lilies.
17 Until the day breaks and the shadows flee, turn, my lover, and be like a gazelle or like a young stag on the rugged hills. [c]
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