La Vie en Rose

The Prof.

2012-01-13T07:09:00.001+09:00

Met The Prof. over the supper and talked over all. My Christmas, his, my New Year, his, my family, his, my heath, his, my financial situation, his, life and death or should I say, dying. The food was good, and the conversation was charged, but like always, very intriguing. He has this cutting through eyes to penetrate things, I told him that reminds me of my dad (I told the same to my dad). Perhaps it is a gift one can only get from the stretched time of solitude where he/she can pour out one's whole energy into a subject of interest. In return, they have to pay for a price, the price of loneliness. It must've been hard to bear even for someone like him or my dad. I saw tears in his eyes. I never expected I would see that. Tears of a waling man who was once tall and proud were surreal. I was selfish. I held his hands and felt puzzled if this means I am no longer able to cry for advice or help from him anymore, and if this means it would be MY turn to lend my shoulders to the others. Then I began wondering if I ever am ready for such a role.

Feeling the emotionally charged shadow sitting down on his face, I thought of the end. Experiencing deaths in the proximity over the past couple of years, I become aware when it approachs. Perhaps because he kept mentioning it over the dinner?

I felt responsible. Resonsible for now carrying some of his worries instead of inviting him to mine, and responsible for providing guidance to him/the others instead of asking one from them. However, the same questions lingered; AM I READY?? And at the end of my days, how would I want to be remembered? What legacy would I want to leave? What kind of people would I want to be surrounded by at my death bed? How much of the property do I want to leave behind to whom? How do I want to claim my life was like in front of the God? Would I be able to say to him, "I followed you alright, I completed the tasks you've given to me, and I am content to leave me in your hands?"

I am too small yet.

Seoul, Seoul, Seoul~

2012-01-11T09:28:00.000+09:00

It's been exactly a week since I returned to Vancouver from the two week's vacation in Seoul. Things were wonderful; couldn't hope for more. The dinners with family, relatives and friends who I haven't met too often in the past two years were happily taking their time to meet me at the airport and sit with me over a few dinners. I thank them wholeheartedly. I am truly blessed.

While I enjoyed my time with the beloveds, I noticed some changes in and out of the country. The passing of Kim Jeong-il was one of them, which triggered a lots of speculations for Korean experts about the future of peninsula and how it would weign in the set of international politics. I was, of course, very keenly interested and hoping this wouldn't bringing in too much confusion in the region. After all, that is the country where I was born and raised.

The streets in Seoul has been changed quite a bit. I couldn't believe I had to ask questions to passers-by while I strolled down the allies where I used to spend so much time growing up; felt very odd. After enjoying all those Kimchi bombarded comfort food, and companying of friends and family, I began missing things in Vancouver that I found a new discovery. I must've develop a new sense of home-ness here when I didn't even realize. Although I still miss my family and my pet in Seoul, I am happy to claim that I feel also quite comfortable and relieved to be home in Vancouver.

Good to be back to blogging as well. It's been almost two years since my previous writing!

Time running out on South Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission | Stars and Stripes

2010-01-18T09:28:00.000+09:00

Time running out on South Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission | Stars and Stripes

Vancouver Spice

2009-12-13T17:01:00.002+09:00

Strolling down the old Commercial Drive, I savored good old memories from the college days. Poor but filled with genuine intellectually charged curiosity.. The street wasn't changed much so does other part of the city; street musicians and sellers entertained passers-by and who was I not to be amused by their sweet encounters. Went to my usual corner of the Indian restaurant at the tip of the street and ordered a Chicken Masala fully loaded with thousands of unknown spices enough to burn my tongue; I made sure they put enough hotness in the dish. Mouth burnt and nose suffered as much, but I never left a drop of it. The chef gave me a proud smile.

Apetited Vicky, my little puppy, who troulbed the Pacific to accompany me here also finished her portion of puppy-bites. I bought a nice piece of puppy tooth brush from a pet shop today.

[이사람] “과거 책임지지 않는 사회엔 미래 없어”

2009-11-06T16:45:00.004+09:00

An interview article by the Hankyoreh Daily of Dr. Martin Salm, the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Foundation Remembrance-Responsibility-Future who was invited to 2009 TRCK's Interntional Symposium held on October 27, 2009.

He's emphasizing the necessity of facing the past atrocities by saying, "there is no end in dealing with the past atrocities, but only transformation how we deal with them."
The organization he's been chairing is called "Foundation Remembrance-Responsibility-Future (EVZ)" and playing a significant role to compensate the victims of the forced labor in Germany during the WWII. Funded by both Germany government and private industries, which most of them have no what-so-ever affiliation to the WWII, the EVZ was established with 5 billion Euros raised by the German government and private industries, and spent approximately 4.7 billion Euros to compensate the 1.7 million survivors, victims, and their families, who reside in over 100 countries across the world.

At the interview with the Hankyoreh Daily, Dr. Salm explained how the EVZ was named, implying Germany's continueous responsibility for the painful past, yet may be in slightly different ways, despite the compeling public opinions of "we've done enough and let's move on now." in German society. He also stated, "It is impossible to move on to the future without confronting the past atrocities with tiredless efforts." Most importantly and thankfully, there was a social consensus in Germany that we have a responsibility to deal with the past as long as the surviving victims or the bereaved families exist.

After completing its reparation mandate, the EVZ is now focusing on the human rights education for young generation. Dr. Salm added one of the ultimate purposes of our work is to assist the youth to establish the humanitarian principle, and thus to create a social environment where human rights of indivisuals are respected, and this is achieveable only through educating the youth.

Lastly but not the least, he commented a significant souce to have pushed the EVZ activities so far were the pressure from international community, civil groups, and victims' organizations.

독일 ‘기억, 책임, 미래 재단’ 마르틴 잘름 이사장

김민경 기자

"과거사 정리에는 ‘끝’이란 없습니다. 다른 방식으로 ‘변형’될 뿐입니다.”
독일 ‘기억, 책임, 미래 재단’의 마르틴 잘름(Martin Salm·54·사진) 이사장은 독일의 경험을 들어 과거사 문제를 이렇게 정리했다. 이 재단은 독일의 전후 보상 문제를 담당하는데, 지난 2000년 독일 정부와 기업 등이 약 50억유로(8조8800억원 안팎)을 출자해 설립했다. 지난 2007년 7월까지 폴란드, 우크라이나 등 100개국에 거주하는 2차 대전 강제 징용 노동자·희생자 및 유가족 170만명에게 약 47억유로를 보상했다.

동유럽 전후보상 위해 2000년 설립…7년간 47억유로 보상
기금잔액 연구·교육에 투자 …“인권존중 풍토 정착이 목표”

잘름 이사장은 ‘진실·화해를 위한 과거사정리위원회’(진실화해위)가 ‘세계 과거사 청산의 흐름과 한국의 과거사정리 후속조치 방안 모색’을 주제로 27일 여는 국제심포지엄에 참석하기 위해 우리나라를 찾았다.

그는 지난 24일 서울의 한 호텔에서 <한겨레>를 만나 “재단 이름에는 과거를 직시해 더 나은 미래를 만들어가자는 뜻이 담겨 있다”며 “무엇보다 재단의 존재는 독일의 ‘과거에 대한 지속적인 책임’을 강조하고 있다”고 설명했다.

독일의 과거사 문제는 1990년대 후반, 독일 통일 이후 동유럽 쪽 보상 문제 등이 불거지면서 사회적 논쟁을 낳았다. ‘이미 60년이나 지난 일이다. 지난 60년간 우리는 할 만큼 했다. 앞으로 나아가기 위해 과거는 잊어야 한다’는 반론이 만만치 않았다고 했다.

잘름 이사장은 “과거사와 대면하는 ‘고단한 노력’ 없이, 미래로 나아간다는 건 불가능하다”며 “무엇보다 피해자나 유가족이 살아있는 한 과거사 정리를 계속 해야 할 의무가 있다는 데 사회적 합의가 이뤄졌다”고 말했다.

재단은 보상금 지급을 마친 뒤에도 지금까지 남은 기금으로 역사연구, 생존자 지원 등을 계속하고 있다. 특히 젊은 세대를 위한 인권 교육에 중점을 두고 있다. 잘름 이사장은 “젊은 세대가 인본주의적 가치관을 갖도록 돕고, 인권을 존중하는 사회적 분위기를 만드는 것이 과거사 정리의 궁극적 목적”이라며 “그래서 인권 교육이 가장 중요하다”고 말했다.

잘름 이사장은 독일에서 과거사 정리가 가능케 했던 원동력으로 국제사회·시민사회·피해자 단체의 압력을 꼽는다. 그는 한국의 과거사 정리 문제에 대해 “베를린 시내 한 복판에 거대한 유대인 추모공원을 만든 것처럼, 볼 때마다 기억하도록 눈에 보이는 위령시설을 설립하는 것이 중요하다”며 “일방적인 보상이 아니라 피해자들과 항상 열린 마음으로 대화해 나가는 태도도 꼭 필요하다”고 조언했다.

글·사진 김민경 기자 salmat@hani.co.kr

Korea's Conservative Political Climate Hinders the Effort to Deal with its Past Atrocities

2009-11-06T16:14:00.003+09:00

Two standing commissioners at South Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission talked about the difficulties it is facing in the overwhelmingly conservative domestic political climate. Invited presenters from Germany, England, Rwanda and Peru provided fresh insights to perceive the Korea's efforts to set the transitional justice.

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"보수적 정치환경, 과거사 해결 어려워"
국제심포지엄서 친여 진실화해위 상임위원도 불만 토로

2009년 10월 27일 (화) 21:25:15 고성진 기자 kolong81@tongilnews.com

이영조 진실.화해를위한과거사정리위원회(진실화해위) 상임위원은 27일 한국의 과거사 정리의 평가와 과제와 관련해 "국회 전반적으로 정치 환경이 전반적으로 보수적이기 때문에 문제"라며 "대통령도 한나라당에 속해 있고, 한나라당이 여당이기 때문에 전체적으로 보수 기조를 가지고 있고, 이 때문에 문제 해결이 어렵다"고 말했다.

▲이영조 진실화해위 상임위원. [사진-통일뉴스 조성봉 기자]
이 상임위원은 이날 진실화해위 주최로 열린 국제심포지엄 종합토론의 사회자로 나와 "한국의 경우, 정치적 환경이 과거사 문제를 해결할 정도로 무르익지 않았다"며 이같이 비판했다.

바른사회를위한시민회의 사무총장 등을 역임한 이 상임위원은 현 위원회의 상임위원 가운데 가장 보수적이라는 평을 받고 있다. 이 때문에 그의 비판은 정부의 과거사 정리 의지 등에 대한 불만 표출로 보인다. 그는 내년 1월, 임기 만료를 앞두고 있다.

이 상임위원은 "호의적이지 않은 정치 환경은 부정적인 결과를 가져오게 된다. 전 세계적으로도 진실위원회가 제대로 운영되지 못하고 만족하지 못했던 결과를 알고 있다"며 현재 정치 환경에 대해 강한 비판을 쏟아부었다.

토론자로 나온 김동춘 상임위원은 민주화 이행기 과정에서 나타난 과거사 정리와 관련, "이행기 정의에 약간 회의적"이라며 "이행기에 들어서지 않은 나라도 있는가 하면, 들어섰다가 역전된 나라, 한국과 같이 끝나지 않은 상황에서 과거의 인권 침해가 재발하는 상태에서 이행기 정의가 적절한 지 재검토해야 한다"고 현재 상황을 비판했다.

김동춘 상임위원 "아시아 과거사 문제, 유럽과 차이"

김 상임위원은 아시아의 경우, 유럽식 과거사 정리와는 다르다고 주장했다. 그는 "아시아는 냉전이 끝나지 않은 상황"이라는 점을 첫 번째 차이로 꼽았다.

▲ 김동춘 진실화해위 상임위원. [사진-통일뉴스 조성봉 기자]
다음으로는 "독일이 과거사 정리에 나설 수 있던 것은 결국은 독일이 그렇게 하지 않을 수 없었던 이유가 외적으로는 유럽에서 여러 나라들과 공존하기 위해서이며, 독일 내에서의 사회운동 때문"이라며 내.외적 요인이 동시에 작용했다고 봤지만, 반면 아시아 국가는 내.외적 요인의 어느 한 부분이 강하게 작용했다고 봤다.

김 상임위원은 "일본이 과거에 대해서 반성을 하지 않는 이유는 미국과의 관계 때문에 과거를 정리할 필요성을 느끼지 못하는 것"이며, "한국의 과거사 정리 수준은 대단한 수준인데, 이것은 밑으로부터의 사회운동의 힘 만큼 진행된 것"이라고 분석했다.

김 상임위원은 또 "과거사 정리의 성공 여부는 기억을 얼마나 하느냐의 문제가 아니라, 기억을 현재화하는 능력이 아닌가 싶다"면서 "기억을 현재적인 문제에 적용할 수 있는 집단적, 사회적 역량만큼 성공하지 않나 생각한다"고 말했다.

그는 "기억을 현재적인 것으로 만드는 데 가장 결정적인 요소는 두 가지가 있는데, 하나는 미디어"라면서 "우리 위원회가 아무리 진실을 밝혔다고 해도 미디어를 통해 국민들에게 알려지지 않는다면 무슨 소용 있겠나"라고 강조했다.

이어 "그 진실이 지금 살아가는 보통 사람들에게 연결되지 않는다면 의미가 없다"면서 "이 두 가지 문제를 어떻게 결합시키느냐에 따라서 과거사 정리의 성공 여부가 결정된다"고 바라봤다.

이날, 서울 충무로 매경미디어센터 12층 대강당에서 '세계 과거사 청산의 흐름과 한국의 과거사 정리 후속조치 방안 모색'이라는 주제로 열린 국제심포지엄은 리 페인(Leigh Payne) 영국 옥스퍼드대 교수(53), 박선기 '르완다 국제형사재판소' 재판관, 살로몬 레르네르(Salomon Lerner Febres) 전 페루 진실위원장, 마르틴 잘름(Martin Salm) '기억.책임.미래재단' 이사장 등이 각각 발제를 맡았고, 안경환 전 국가인권위원장, 이석태 변호사, 박구병 아주대 교수, 송충기 공주대 교수 등이 토론에 참여했다.

▲ 27일 진실화해위 주최로 서울 충무로 매경미디어센터 12층 대강당에서 '세계 과거사 청산의 흐름과 한국의 과거사 정리 후속조치 방안 모색'이라는 주제로 국제심포지엄이 열렸다. [사진-통일뉴스 조성봉 기자]

Bereaved Family Asso

2009-10-12T17:56:00.003+09:00

Obama won this year's Nobel Peace Prize, and we sense cautiously favorable political climate concerning issues often disregarded by the predecent government in the US. In amid of this, the below claim made by the bereaved family association of the NOGUNRI incident victims in Korea yesterday begins attracting the public attention once again. NOGUNRI is where hundreds of fleeing refugees were killed by the US troops during the Korean War.
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노근리유족회 "美 노근리보고서 축소.왜곡"

(영동=연합뉴스) 박병기 기자 = 노근리사건희생자유족회(위원장 정은용)는 9일 "지난 2001년 미 국방부가 발표한 노근리보고서가 축소.왜곡됐다"며 전면적인 재조사와 피해자 배상을 요구했다.

유족회는 이날 성명을 통해 "당시 현장에 있었던 미군 병사가 최근 청주문화방송 다큐멘터리(노근리는 살아있다)에 출연해 '(피란민에 대한) 사격명령이 있었다'고 증언했고, 같은 부대 기록병도 '사단장이 하달한 명령 문서와 예하부대에서 올라온 민간인 사살 관련 보고서를 본적이 있다'고 증언했다"며 "노근리 사건이 우발적으로 일어났다는 미 국방부의 노근리보고서는 축소.조작된 것"이라고 주장했다.

이 단체는 이어 "이 다큐멘터리는 노근리 학살의 명백한 증거인 존 무초(6.25 당시 주한미국 대사) 서한에 대해서도 '무초 서한이 노근리사건과 관련없는 것으로 처리된 점을 납득할 수 없다'는 미 국립문서기록보관소 연구원의 증언 등을 담고 있다"며 "미 정부는 가해 군인의 증언과 무초의 문건이 노근리보고서에서 빠진 이유를 설명하라"고 덧붙였다.

이어 "인권국가를 자처하는 미국은 노근리사건의 진상을 축소.왜곡한 데 대해 공식 사과하고 재조사와 더불어 손해배상에 나서야 한다"고 촉구했다.

한미 양국은 1999년 AP통신의 보도에 의해 노근리 사건이 세계적 이슈로 확대된 이후 2001년까지 공동조사를 벌인 뒤 '군인들에 의한 우발적인 사건으로 군 지휘부의 사살 명령은 없었다'는 보고서를 냈다.

bgipark@yna.co.kr

Ground Enabling Ones to Stand Firm

2009-09-18T11:07:00.005+09:00

I felt weak for the past couple of months. Despite the hours of physical training of pushing myself to limits, my mind still was not clear and my strength still didn't seem to find its way back. I was having this constant headaches, anxiety along with a few other bodyaches here and there. I can't argue that my anxiety and aches were probably partly induced by the pathetic work ethic and the attitude of a boss who I can't avoid the daily contact and am directly involved for my performance evaluation; in other word, I lived in a living hell for most of my awaken hours. Well, I won't waste my breath for the unworthy thing. Anyways, I suffered for the last few months feeling vulunerable and indefensible of myself until last night.

You might wonder what had happened then? Nothing spectacular. I happened to visit one of my fellow coworkers' apartment with other ladies at work. Her house was filled with this welcoming aura and the scent from a whole bunch of petite flowers and herbs of which names I've never heard of. First, your nose and eyes would pleasantly entertained with the fresh odor and low-lit candles. Second, you would feel embraced by the hostess's warm welcoming gestures, well displayed by a variety of delicious home-made dishes. Then, everything followed by this aroma of freshly roasted coffee and eased body as ladies fill the air with their laughters and chat away their anguish. After the ladies' night gathering at Ms. Lee's terrace last night, I feel much recharged, eased, and found a solidarity therein.

A newly revealed truth: we don't need much to gain our strength back in the dark hours, it is people in whom you find TLC.

죽음의 굿판을 걷어치워라

2009-09-17T10:14:00.003+09:00

I am not yet knowledged enough to comment anything on the writings by Kim Ji-ha, a Korean poet; the author of "Five Enemies (오적)," "With Burning Thirst(타는 목마름으로)," etc. Finding them this morning gave me a chance to flash back (perhaps this is not a right choice of term, since I wasn't there to comprehend the intensity of the situation) or think back of the Korea's turbulent political climate of late 1980s and early 1990s, accompanied by the international relations it had then and the impact therefrom.

-------------------------------------

젊은 벗들!

나는 너스레를 좋아하지 않는다. 잘라 말하겠다. 지금 곧 죽음의 찬미를 중지하라. 그리고 그 굿판을 당장 걷어치워라. 당신들은 잘못 들어서고 있다. 그것도 크게!

이제나저제나 하고 기다렸다. 젊은 당신들의 슬기로운 결단이 있기를 학수고대하고 있었다. 숱한 사람들의 간곡한 호소가 있었고,여기저기서 자제요청이 빗발쳐 당연히 그쯤에서 조촐한 자세로 돌아올 줄로 믿었다. 그런데 지금 당신들 무슨 짓을 하고 있는가?

정권보다 큰 생명

생명이 신성하다는 금과옥조를 새삼 되풀이 하고 싶지는 않다. 하나 분명한 것은 그 어떤 경우에도 생명은 출발점이요 도착점이라는 것이다. 정치도 경제도 문화도,심지어 종교까지도 생명의 보위와 양생을 위해서 있는 것이고 그로부터 출발하는 것이지 그 반대는 아니다. 근본을 말살하자는 것인가? 신외무물이 무슨 뜻인가? 당신들 자신의 생명은 그렇게도 가벼운가? 한 개인의 생명은 정권보다도 더 크다. 이것이 모든 참된 운동의 출발점이어야 한다. 당신들은 민중을 위해서! 라고 말한다. 그것이 당신들의 방향이다. 당신들은 민중에게 배우자! 라고 외친다.

그것이 당신들의 공부이다. 민중의 무엇을 위해서인가? 민중이 생명의 보위,그 해방을 위해서일 것이다. 당신들이 믿고있는 그 해방의 전망은 확고한가? 목적에 대한 신념은 과학적으로 확실한가? 만약 그것이 기존의 사회주의라면 그 전망은 이미 끝이 났다. 만약 그것도 아니라면 민족이 패망하는 극한 상황도 아닌터에 생명포기를 요구할 정도의 목적의 인프레션 따위는 있을수도 없으며 다만 뼈를 깎는 기다림과 겸허한 모색이 있을 뿐이다. 모색하는 자가 매일 매일 북치고 장구칠수 있는가? 도대체 그 긴 역사에서 무엇을 배우는가? 왜 덤비는가?

모색과정에도 위기에 대한 긴급한 행동은 있을수 있다. 하나 그때의 행동은 달라야 한다. 어떻게 달라야 하는지 당신들은 분명히 알고 있다. 그런데 지금 당신들은 무슨 짓을 하고 있는가?

당신들은 민중에게서 무엇을 배우자고 외쳤는가? 어떠한 경우에도 포기하지 않는 끈질긴 생명력과 삶의 존중,삶의 지혜를 놔두고 도대체 무엇을 배운다고 하는가?

어느 민중이 당신들처럼 그리도 경박스럽게 목숨을 버리던가? 당신들은 흔히 지도 라는 말을 쓴다. 또 선동 이란 말도 즐겨쓴다. 스스로도 확신 못하는 환상적 전망을 가지고 감히 누구를 지도하고 누구를 선동하려 하는가? 더욱이 죽음을 찬양하고 요구하는가? 제정신인가,아닌가? 과학 이란 말을 자주 쓴다. 그것이 과학인가? 그보다도 더 자주 정치 라는 말을 쓴다.

그것이 정치인가? 분명히 못박아 말하지만 정치란 도덕적 확신에 기초한 엄밀한 이성과 수학의 세계다.

자살 전염 부채질

당신들에겐 분명 그것이 없다. 없으면 없는 대로 학생운동 본연의 순결한 정의감,그리고 대안적 정열이 요구하는 바대로,그리고 혼란한 전환기에 대응하는 확률적인 모색의 태도로 전시민적인 요청에 대답하는 합당한 행동을 선택하라. 그런데 지금 당신들 무슨짓을 하고 있는가?

전환기는 필연이 아니라 우연이 지배하는 것이 특징이다. 실수하기 안성맞춤이다. 조심하지 않으면 안된다. 하나 지금 당신들은 조심성이 있고 없고의 차원을 훨씬 넘어섰다. 당연한 얘기지만 고전적인 마르크스레닌주의나 주사파의 스테레오타입마저 이미 이탈했다.

철부지라는 말도 정확하지 않다. 당신들은 지금 극히 위태롭다. 생명은 자기 목숨이라 하더라도 함부로 할 수 없는 무서운 것인데 하물며 남의 죽음을 제멋대로 부풀려 좌지우지 정치적 목표아래 이용할수 있단 말인가? 그럴수 있다고 대답하는 모양인데,그렇다. 바로 그 대답에 당신들의 병의 뿌리가 있고 문제의 초점이 있다.

지금 당신들 주변에는 검은 유령히 배회하고 있다. 그 유령의 이름을 분명히 말한다. 네크로필리아 시체선호증이다. 싹쓸이 충동,자살특공대,테러리즘과 파시즘의 시작이다.

이미 당신들의 화염병은 방어용 몰로토프 칵테일 수준을 넘어서고 있었다. 파괴력에서가 아니라 상황과의 관계상실과 거기에 실린 당신들의 거의 장난기에 가까운 생명말살충동에서다. 당신들의 그 숱한 죽음을 찬미하는 국적불명의 괴기한 노래들,당신들이 즐기는 군화와 군복,집회와 시위때마다 노출되는 군사적 편제선호속에 그 유령이 이미 잠복해 있었던 것이다. 당신들은 맥도날드햄버거를 즐기며 반미를 외치고 전사를 자처하면서 반파쇼를 역설했다. 당신들의 구호와 몸짓은 이미 순발적 정열을 이탈하여 의식화되었다.

나는 그곳에서 이미 오래전에 일본 전학연의 몰락의 냄새를 맡을 수 있었다. 이 모순을 어찌할 셈인가? 그런데 한술 더 떠 지금 당신들 무슨 짓을 하고 있는가?

자살은 전염한다. 당신들은 지금 전염을 부채질하고 있다. 열사호칭과 대규모 장례식으로 연약한 영혼에 대해 끊임없이 죽음을 유혹하는 암시를 보내고 있다. 생명말살에 환각적 명성을 들씌워 주고 있다. 컴컴하고 기괴한 심리적 원형이 난무한다.

종교냐 유물 이냐

삶의 행진이 아니라 죽음의 행진이 시작되고 있다. 그것이 해방의 몸짓인가? 무엇을 해방할 작정인가? 귀신인가?

절정은 당신들의 그 혼을 분리하는 굿에 있다. 시체가 당신들 것인가? 왜 탈취하려 하는가? 그 시체의 주인공이 조선시대의 사대부집안의 그 가족도 없는 종인가? 왜 가족을 무시하는가? 그러나 그보다 더 치명적인 것은 당신들의 그 기괴한 이원론이다. 당신들은 육체와 영혼의 분리를 인정하고 있다. 당신들의 결정적 파탄의 증거다. 묻겠다. 당신들의 신조는 종교인가? 유물주의인가? 육신을 경멸하고 영혼의 찬란한 해방을 광신하는 고대종교인가? 육신의 물질성만을 주장하는 속류 유물주의인가? 도대체 어느쪽인가?

도대체 그놈의 굿판에 사제노릇을 하고 있는 중과 신부의 정신을 사로잡고 있는 것은 악령인가? 성령인가? 저는 살길을 찾으면서 죽음을 부추기고 있는 이른바 진보적 지식인들은 선비인가? 악당인가? 당신들은 지금 굿에서의 이른바 불림 을 행하는 모양인데, 불림 에는 조건이 있는 법이다.

영매는 자기목적이 없어야 하고 불림 의 대상은 귀신 이 아니라 신명 이어야 한다. 검은 귀신이 아니라 밝은 신명이라고 주장하겠지. 그러나 젊은 벗들! 귀신은 영육분리의 형상이지만 신명은 영육합일,몸과 함께만 현상한다네! 그래서 신명은 곧 생명이라네. 당신들의 귀신숭배는 더욱이 급진적 폭력을 동반함으로써 바로 네차예프사건과 인민사원의 집단학살,그리고 연합적군 모리(삼)그룹의 산장에서의 피의 인민재판을 예고하고 있다. 죽음숭배,귀신숭배의 결과는 풍수의 표현으로 당판,사람이 사람을 잡아먹는 비수터,울부짖는 터,갈기갈기 찢어지는 참혹한 종말이다. 어찌할 작정인가?

운동은 이제 끝장

젊은 벗들!

지금 곧 죽음의 찬미를 중지하라. 그리고 그 소름끼치는 의사굿을 당장 걷어 치워라. 영육이 합일된 당신들 자신의 신명,곧 생명을 공경하며 그 생명의 자연스러운 요구에 따라 끈질기고 슬기로운 창조적인 저항행동을 선택하라.

나는 군말을 좋아하지 않는다. 잘라 말하겠다. 내 말을 듣지 않겠다면 좋다. 할대로 해보라. 당신들 운동은 이제 끝이다! 그래도 지성인이라면,최소한 내말을 접수라도 한다면 지금 이 글을 읽는 순간 자신의 신조가 무엇인지 스스로 묻고 대답해야할 것이다.

종교인가? 유물주의인가? 대답이 다행히 창조적 통일로 끝났을때,그때 우리는 현정권에 대한 효력있는 저항을 참색할수 있을 것이다. 부디 자중자애 하라. 부디 절망하지 말라. 절망은 폭력과 죽음,그리고 종말의 서곡이다. <시인>

원통한 忌日, 1961.5.25

2009-09-16T09:34:00.003+09:00

아버지가 군 수사기관의 조작으로 사형당했다는 통보를 받은 심한운 씨가 15일 충남 서산시 고북면 봉생리 집 안방에서 아버지 심문규 씨의 사진과 사형선고 판결문, 방첩대의 조서 등을 놓고 한스러운 과거를 되씹고 있다. 서산=지명훈 기자

Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission recently ascertained that Shim Mun-kyu, a lieutenant of Korea's HID (Headquarters Intelligence Department), was dispatched to the North Korea, captured by the North and resent to the South as a double spy, yet voluntarily surrendered upon his arrival in the South. However, Shim was interrogated for one and a half year before he was wrongfully convicted as a double spy and got executed soon after. The only survivor of his family among three children and wife is a son, whose suffering in his life would what god only knows.

북파공작원 48년전 이중간첩 몰려 억울한 죽음
아들의 진실찾기에 진실화해위서 ‘조작’ 확인

“아버지가 억울하게 사형당한 줄도 모르고 수십 년을 살았습니다. 기일을 몰라 매년 설날과 추석이면 제사상을 차렸는데….”

진실·화해를 위한 과거사정리위원회 관계자에게서 아버지가 이중간첩으로 몰려 사형당한 것은 당시 군 수사기관의 조작 때문이었다는 소식을 전해들은 심한운 씨(60·충남 서산시). 그는 서랍장 깊은 곳에 고이 모셔뒀던 아버지의 사진과 사형선고 판결문을 꺼내들고는 물끄러미 바라보다 큰 한숨을 쉬었다. 청년시절부터 아버지의 소식을 듣기 위해 전국을 누볐던 시간들이 주마등처럼 머릿속을 스쳐갔다. 그의 아버지인 심문규 씨는 육군첩보부대(HID) 소속으로 북파됐다가 북에서 체포돼 대남간첩교육을 받은 뒤 2년 만에 남파돼 자수했지만 이중간첩으로 몰려 사형을 당했다.

진실·화해위는 15일 “‘특수임무수행자 심문규 이중간첩사건’을 조사한 결과, 북한군에게 체포됐던 심 씨가 북에서 대남간첩교육을 받고 남파된 뒤에 자수를 했음에도 육군첩보부대가 증거도 없이 심 씨를 위장자수로 몰아갔던 사실을 확인했다”고 밝혔다.

육군첩보부대에서 563일 동안 불법 구금당한 채로 신문을 당한 심 씨는 남파간첩 검거 등에 필요한 정보를 제공한 뒤에 중앙고등군법회의에 기소돼 사형 판결을 받고 1961년 5월 대구교도소에서 처형당했다. 한운 씨는 1959년 외숙모 손을 잡고 간 육군본부 장교형무소 면회실에서 본 아버지의 모습을 아직도 잊지 못한다. 당시 아버지는 “공부는 잘하고 있느냐, 북파공작원이라 여기 와 있다. 아버지는 곧 나갈 테니 걱정마라”고 했다. 그것이 아버지의 마지막 모습이 될 줄은 당시는 미처 몰랐다.

생활고에 시달리던 만삭의 어머니는 극약을 마시고 세상을 등진 지 오래였다. 당시 다섯 살이었던 누이동생도 갑작스럽게 체해 세상을 떴다. 한운 씨는 어머니와 누이 얘기에 목이 메어 한동안 말을 잇지 못했다. 아버지가 남파간첩이라는 소식에 집안에는 발길이 뚝 끊겼다. 아버지의 소식을 전해 주는 이도, 알아볼 방법을 가르쳐 주는 이도 없었다.

구두 기술자, 운전사 등 철이 들면서 안 해본 일 없이 고생을 한 한운 씨였지만 아버지 소식을 들을 수 있다면 만사를 제쳐두고 달려갔다. 아버지처럼 북한으로 파견됐던 특수임무수행자들을 찾아 귀동냥을 하며 아버지 소식을 수소문하는 일이 다반사였다.

아버지가 이중간첩으로 몰려 사형당했다는 소식을 알게 된 것은 2006년의 일. 아버지의 소식을 애타게 찾는 한운 씨의 사연이 언론을 통해 알려지면서 군 당국이 당시 아버지의 사형 판결문을 전달해 줬다. “1961년 5월 25일, 이날이 아버지가 사형당한 날이자, 기일이라는 것을 알기까지 수십 년이 걸렸습니다.”

진실화해위의 조사를 통해 아버지의 억울한 죽음을 확인했지만 한운 씨는 아직 할 일이 많다. “아버지처럼 북파됐다가 생사도 모르는 가족들이 있는데도 숨 죽여 살고 있는 나 같은 사람들이 많습니다. 사재를 털어서라도 아버지와 함께 파견됐던 동료들의 가족을 돕고 싶습니다.”

진실화해위는 이날 “국가는 심 씨의 가족에게 사과하고 명예회복을 위한 재심 등 필요한 조치를 취하라”며 북파공작원 운용과 관련된 자료를 투명하게 공개할 것을 권고했다.

“It has been so hard living without a father all this time. How could my poor father and my brothers and sisters ever be compensated for our lives?”

Sim Han-un found it impossible to continue speaking. The 59-year-old is the son of Sim Mun-gyu, a man who had served as an Headquarters Intelligence Detachment (HID) agent in a South Korean counter- intelligence military unit and was framed as a double agent at a court-martial, and executed at an Army prison.

In a report released Tuesday from its investigation of Sim’s case, the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) wrote, “It has been confirmed that an innocent person was executed through the fabrication of a case by the HID.” The commission recommended to the government that necessary measures be taken, including an apology to Sim’s family and a review to rehabilitate his reputation.

What happened to Sim Mun-gyu’s life could be said as indicative of what has taken place in South Korea’s turbulent history as a nation under Japanese colonial rule to war and then national division. His home is Cheorwon, now located in Gangwon Province, which fell in North Korean territory before the armistice line was as a result of the Korean War.

Sim had a favorable view of South Korea, and he joined the South Korean Army in the 6th division reconnaissance corps for the 17th regiment in December 1950, when the tide was turned by the South Korean Army with the Incheon landing. He began his HID activity at the 6th division’s intelligence office.

“Before Liberation, my father voluntarily joined the Japanese army and was assigned to the Kwantung Army in Manchuria, and he ended up captured by the Soviet and Chinese armies and spending time as a prisoner-of-war,” explained Sim Han-un. “He was fluent in Chinese and was aware of the surrounding geography, and these were suitable for fulfilling intelligence duties,” he added.

Sim Mun-gyu was in unemployed in Seoul following the war’s end when he received a proposal from HID asking if he might like to work again. In Sept. 1955, he left behind his wife and three children and went to North Korea by way of the East Sea coast. “I heard that the Army coaxed him into it, telling him he would work as an officer when he came back,” Sim Han-un recalled.

Unfortunately, Sim Mun-gyu was caught by the North Korean army while carrying out his duties, and after going through one year and seven months of training as a spy against South Korea, he was assigned to “assassinate key figures” and sent back south. Sim, who had family in Seoul, turned himself in to HID as soon as he arrived back in South Korea, but military prosecutors at the time charged him with “surrendering under false pretenses.” In May of 1961, he was executed at Taegu Prison. “It seems that for senior military figures at the time, HID agents dispatched to North Korea who came back alive like Sim were nuisances who could not just be released back into society,” said an official with the TRC.

Sim’s children lived harsh lives after their father’s unjust death. Sim Han-un explained, “My mother took her own life just before my father was sent to North Korea, and the second eldest child died of disease at the age of five.” Sim Han-un himself was unable to graduate from middle school because of the family’s dire financial situation.

Following enactment of the Compensation for Persons Engaged in Special Military Missions Act, which was created to provide consolation for the past suffering of HID agents deployed to North Korea, Sim Han-un applied for benefits but was rejected. He said that he will request a court review of his father’s execution and is seeking damages from the state.

Ithaca

2009-09-15T08:45:00.004+09:00

Ithaca

By Constantine P. Cavafy, as translated from Greek by Stratis Haviaras

As you set out on the way to Ithaca
hope that the road is a long one,
filled with adventures, filled with understanding.
The Laestrygonians and the Cyclopes,
Poseidon in his anger: do not fear them,
you’ll never come across them on your way
as long as your mind stays aloft, and a choice
emotion touches your spirit and your body.
The Laestrygonians and the Cyclopes,
savage Poseidon; you’ll not encounter them
unless you carry them within your soul,
unless your soul sets them up before you.

Hope that the road is a long one.
Many may the summer mornings be
when—with what pleasure, with what joy—
you first put in to harbors new to your eyes;
may you stop at Phoenician trading posts
and there acquire fine goods:
mother-of-pearl and coral, amber and ebony,
and heady perfumes of every kind:
as many heady perfumes as you can.
To many Egyptian cities may you go
so you may learn, and go on learning, from their sages.

Always keep Ithaca in your mind;
to reach her is your destiny.
But do not rush your journey in the least.
Better that it last for many years;
that you drop anchor at the island an old man,
rich with all you’ve gotten on the way,
not expecting Ithaca to make you rich.

Ithaca gave to you the beautiful journey;
without her you’d not have set upon the road.
But she has nothing left to give you any more.

And if you find her poor, Ithaca did not deceive you.
As wise as you’ll have become, with so much experience,
you’ll have understood, by then, what these Ithacas mean.

Future of Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission

2009-09-08T09:13:00.006+09:00

Many inquire what would happen to the commission when its term is over? It had a press conference yesterday. Pls. see below for more details on the issue.

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As Ahn’s term comes to a close, concerns mount as Lee administration seeks TRC term extension and possible reversal on decisions by conservative commission

Ahn Byung-wook, the Commissioner of South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, held an unusual press conference on Sept. 7. He solemnly began with, “Since my term is nearing its end, I want to make my opinion on the TRC’s work clear.” His two-year term will finish in November.
He said, “The TRC will continue to work five months beyond the completion of my term as commissioner, and during that time, the TRC has important work to carry out, including publishing the final report under a new commissioner.” Ahn added, “Although I do not know who will be the new commissioner, my hope is that the TRC’s record of accomplishments will not be shaken.”
Several progressive members on the TRC besides Commissioner Ahn, including Kim Dong-chun, professor of SungKongHoe University, will finish their term in November or December. Progressive figures in the TRC have played a great role in determining what the TRC’s decisions have been. Accordingly, many observers are concerned that the TRC may become dominated by conservatives after Ahn and other progressive figures leave the commission.
Some are saying the worst scenario is that the TRC’s term will be extended, and conservatives will take over control and reverse decisions made by a progressive TRC. A successor is expected to serve for five months until April 2010, however, some are saying there is a possibility that the Lee administration may extend the commission’s term by two years in order to reverse many of the decision that have been made.
Current commissioners are making it clear that they are opposed to extending the TRC’s term. They are arguing that while they have only reviewed and closed 6401 cases or 58.1 percent of the 11,017 citizen petitions that have been filed, they have concluded the most important cases on their docket. A TRC official says, “Many TRC officials are concerned about an extension of the TRC.”
In July, the TRC had asked the Cheong Wa Dae (the presidential office in South Korea or Blue House) to pass a law compensating victims who were killed during the Korea War instead of a law extending the TRC. There has been no response.
Commissioner Ahn says, “Victims’ issues are not something to cover up, and although the TRC was established under late President Roh Moo-hyun, the current administration could benefit from recognition for changing its mind a little.”
He says he intends to ask for a meeting with President Lee Myung-bak to discuss this problem.

진실화해위 11~12월 ‘물갈이…과거사 청산 ‘풍전등화’
안병욱 위원장 등 임기 3개월 남아“위원회 미래에 대한 불안감 팽배”‘뉴라이트’ 들어와 ‘기존 결정’ 뒤엎을까 걱정

길윤형 기자 이경미 기자

» 7일 오후 서울 혜화동 서울대학교 의과대학 부검실 유골보관실에서 고양 금정굴 민간인학살사건 유족들이 지난 1995년 발굴된 고양시 일산 금정굴 학살 유골 임시 보관처에서 위령제를 지내고 있다. 김태형 기자 xogud555@hani.co.kr
안병욱 ‘진실·화해를 위한 과거사 정리위원회’(진실화해위) 위원장이 이례적으로 7일 기자회견을 자청했다. 그는 굳은 표정으로 “임기 종료를 앞두고 위원회의 입장을 명확히 밝히려 합니다”라며 말문을 열었다. 안 위원장의 2년 임기는 11월 말 종료된다.
“제가 물러난 뒤에 위원회 활동 시한은 5개월이 남습니다. 그때 새 위원장으로 누가 오실지 모르지만, 최종 보고서 작성 등의 중요 업무가 남아 있습니다. 부족하지만 진실화해위가 일궈낸 성과가 흔들리지 않았으면 좋겠습니다.”
안 위원장만이 아니다. 김동춘 상임위원 등 진보학계 출신 인사들의 임기도 11~12월께 대부분 마무리된다. 진실화해위가 내린 많은 결정에서 이들은 큰 역할을 했다. 그 때문에 진보적 역사학자들을 중심으로, 이들이 물러난 이후를 걱정하는 목소리가 나온다. 급격한 보수화에 대한 우려다. 안 위원장도 이날 간담회에서 진실화해위의 성과가 ‘풍전등화’의 위험 앞에 놓였음을 내비쳤다.
특히 이들이 거론하는 ‘최악의 시나리오’는 위원회 활동 연장→보수적 인사들로 위원회 ‘물갈이’→기존 결정의 번복이다. 안 위원장의 후임 위원장 임기는 2010년 4월까지로 5개월에 불과하지만, 위원회 활동 기한을 2년 연장해 기존의 결정을 뒤집을 가능성도 거론되고 있다.
서우영 ‘진실정의포럼’ 사무국장은 “우리가 생각할 수 있는 ‘최악’은 뉴라이트 계열 인사들이 진실화해위를 장악한 뒤, 위원회 활동 기한을 연장해 그동안의 의미 있는 결정들을 뒤엎는 것”이라고 말했다. 실제로 권경석 한나라당 의원 등은 올해 초 정부가 진실화해위 결정에 불복해 재심을 신청할 수 있는 길을 트는 법 개정안을 발의했다.
이를 염려한 진실화해위는 활동 시한 연장에 반대한다는 뜻을 분명히 하고 있다. 이날까지 전체 진정접수 사건 1만1017건 가운데 60%에도 못 미치는 6401건(58.1%)만 처리된 상태지만, 이미 주요 사건에 대한 처리가 어느 정도 끝났기 때문이기도 하다. 김동춘 상임위원은 “이미 주요 사건들에 대해서는 결정과 판단이 내려진 상태”라고 말했다. 진실화해위의 다른 관계자는 “안 위원장 이후 위원회의 미래에 대한 불안감이 커져 활동 시한 연장을 걱정하는 분위기”라고 전했다.
진실화해위는 활동 시한 연장 대신 한국전쟁 전후 민간인 집단희생 사건을 일괄처리할 수 있는 ‘배·보상 특별법’의 제정과 진실화해위 이후 꾸준히 과거사 정리 작업을 해나갈 ‘과거사 연구재단’ 설립 등을 지난 7월 청와대에 건의했지만 아직 회신을 받지는 못했다.
“과거사는 적당히 덮는다고 해서 덮을 수 있는 문제가 아닙니다. 전임 정부(참여정부)가 시작한 일이라도 새 정부(이명박 정부)가 조금만 생각을 바꾸면 과거사 청산으로 인한 모든 공이 새 정부의 것이 될 수 있습니다.”
안 위원장은 이런 건의를 위해 곧 이명박 대통령에게 면담을 신청할 계획이라고 했다. 그는 “언론과 시민들의 관심이 식은 듯해 안타깝다”며 “정부의 태도가 바뀌려면 국민들이 더 많은 관심을 갖는 길밖에 없다”고 말했다.

774호 기사 ‘남산을 평화공원으로’ 계기로 인권 신장을 위한 ‘역사신탁’ 운동 발족

2009-09-07T10:17:00.002+09:00

The youth hostel, an old 70s or 80s styled square shaped building located amid of the beautiful Mt. Nam (남산) is popular place visited by young foreign travelers tight with their budgets and its good location easily accessible to anywhere in Seoul. But once they know what kind of histoy the building has, they may want to think again to stay there. The building, now used as a youth hostel, was once the notorious KCIA (Korean Central Intelligence Agency) headquarter. The building's basement was divided into multiple cells where many concious voices of the time were taken, tortured, disappeared to, or killed and forged their status as missing. Now, the Seoul Metropolitan City is planning to remove all those historical evidences of Korea's Democritization and said it would build a "peace park" without them. Alas! how on earth a place claiming "peace park" when removing all historical evidences to reminding "peace"?

<한겨레21> 774호 표지 제목은 ‘남산을 평화공원으로’였다. 내년에 닥칠 경술국치 100년과 내후년에 맞을 중앙정보부(안기부) 50년 역사를 기억할 수 있는 공간으로 남산을 보존하자는 것이었다. 경술국치 현장인 일본 통감관저 터를 복원하고 민주를 짓누른 고문의 현장인 안기부 건물을 보존함으로써, 남산의 역사를 국민의 참여로 보존할 ‘역사신탁’(history trust) 운동을 시작해보자는 제안이었다.
이런 제안을 함께 했던 이들의 꾸준한 노력으로 그 씨앗이 맺혔다. 그 이름은 ‘역사를 여는 사람들 ㄱ’이다. 한글 자모의 첫머리인 ‘ㄱ’을 모임 이름 뒤에 넣은 것은 일의 시작이라는 뜻도 있지만, ‘기억’을 음차(音借)한 것이기도 하다. 이들이 펼칠 역사신탁 운동은 근현대사에서 사라져서는 안 될 기록과 기억을 보존하고 복원하자는 사업이다. 신탁에 참여하는 이들이 건물이나 대지 등의 공간을 사거나 기증받아서 역사를 기록하는 공간으로 재구성해 후대로 전승하자는 운동이다.
‘역사를 여는 사람들 ㄱ’은 경술국치 99주년(8월29일)을 하루 앞둔 2009년 8월28일 서울 남산에서 발기인 대회를 열었다. 누리집은 ‘blog.daum.net/historytrust’이다. <한겨레21>은 남산 역사신탁 사업에 지속적인 관심을 갖고 보도할 계획이다. 편집자
서울 중구 예장동 2-20번지의 옛 중앙정보부장 관저. 남산 역사신탁 운동의 발기인 대회를 열기에 이보다 더 좋은 곳이 있을까. 8월28일 오전 10시30분, 발기인 대표로 기자들 앞에 선 윤여준 한국지방발전연구원 이사장(전 환경부 장관)은 솔직했다.
“제가 처음 제안을 받고 ‘참 부끄럽다’는 생각이 들었어요. 제가 공교롭게도 안기부에서 2년 남짓 일했단 말입니다. 노태우 정부 시절 안기부장 언론특보로 와서 남산에서 2년간 일했습니다. 제 방이 본관 2층에 있었습니다. 하루에도 몇 번씩 이 남산을 드나들면서 여기에 경술국치의 현장인 일본 통감관저가 있었다는 사실을 전혀 몰랐습니다. 명색이 고위 공직을 지낸 사람이고, 나름대로 역사의 중요성을 알고 지냈다고 생각했는데, 남산의 진실을 몰랐다니 얼굴을 들기도 힘든 심정이었습니다. 여기에 온 것은 그런 부끄러움을 좀 벗어날 수 있는 방법이고, 정신적으로 속죄한다는 뜻도 있었습니다.” 이런 마음은 정도의 차이는 있어도 참석한 이들에겐 한결같았다.
천정배 의원 “경술국치 현장인 줄 몰랐다”
남산 역사신탁 운동을 이끌 ‘역사를 여는 사람들 ㄱ’의 대표를 맡게 된 한홍구 성공회대 교수는 “최근 3년간 국가정보원 과거사위원회에 참여해 1960~70년대 중앙정보부에서 벌어진 일들을 조사하면서 이곳에서 벌어진 역사에 대해서는 어떻게든 책임을 져야겠다는 생각이 들었다”고 했다. 발기인으로 참여한 천정배 의원(민주당)은 “제가 사교육은 아니래도 공교육은 누구보다 충실하게 받았다고 생각했는데, 남산이 경술국치의 현장이었다는 사실은 알지 못했다”며 “그만큼 우리 역사 교육에 문제가 있었다”고 말했다.
이들은 갈 길이 바쁘다. 서울시가 지난 3월 발표한 ‘남산 르네상스 마스터플랜’ 때문이다. 한홍구 교수는 “서울시의 계획은 남산의 접근성 개선, 생태 및 산자락 복원, 역사 복원 등을 통해 남산을 시민에게 되돌려준다는 것”이라며 “다만, ‘역사 복원’ 계획에 결정적인 역사적 고려가 들어 있지 않아, 근현대사에서 지울 수 없이 중요한 역사적 공간인 통감관저 터와 옛 안기부 건물이 사라질 위기에 처했다”고 지적했다. 서울시는 올해 서울시 균형발전본부를 해체하는 것을 시작으로, 남산에 있는 안기부의 옛 건물들을 2011년까지 모두 철거한다는 계획이다(2011년은 공교롭게도 중앙정보부 창설 50주년이 되는 해다).
한홍구 교수는 옛 중앙정보부 건물 중에서 대표 격인 중앙정보부 남산 본관(현 서울유스호스텔), 지하취조실(제6별관, 현 서울유스호스텔 앞 서울종합방재센터)과 대공수사국(제5별관, 현 서울시청 별관) 그리고 ‘6국’(현 서울시균형발전본부) 건물은 꼭 보존해야 한다고 꼽았다. 그는 “서울시와 공식적인 협의를 통해 이 건물들을 근대문화유산으로 지정하고, 철거가 아닌 다른 형태로 되살리는 방안을 만들어보려 한다”고 설명했다. 2011년 6월10일(중앙정보부 창설 50년)을 목표로, 국내에서뿐만 아니라 유엔과 아우슈비츠박물관 등 인권·평화 관련 국제기관·단체들과 함께 근대유산 지정 청원을 할 계획이다. 근대유산 지정이 이뤄지면 이곳을 ‘아시아인권평화센터’ 또는 ‘평화공원’으로 만들자는 국민적인 운동으로 발전시킨다는 복안도 갖고 있다.
“옛 모습 복원해 역사 교육의 장으로”
현재 잔디밭 공원으로 남아 있는 일본 통감관저 터도 마찬가지다. 역사신탁 사업 실무를 총괄할 서해성 소설가(한신대 외래교수)는 “일단 내년이 한일합방 100년인 만큼, 100년의 역사를 기억하고 교육의 현장으로 삼기 위해 경술국치 현장인 통감관저를 옛 모습으로 복원해 생생한 역사 교육의 장으로 만드는 것을 검토하고 있다”며 “경술국치의 현장을 되살릴 다른 방안도 고민 중”이라고 밝혔다. 그는 “올바른 복원 방안을 모색하기 위해 이르면 9월 하순에 역사와 건축에 대한 국제심포지엄을 열 계획”이라며 “이 심포지엄에는 아우슈비츠 수용소를 보존하는 폴란드와 일제 식민지를 경험한 중국과 대만의 전문가들은 물론, 일본 학자들도 불러 인류 공통의 지혜를 모아볼 생각”이라고 밝혔다.
한국방송과 문화방송 등 국내 방송 4사와 <한겨레>를 비롯한 일간지 등 취재진 40여 명이 몰린 이날 기자회견에는 일본의 〈NHK〉도 취재를 나왔다.
기자회견을 마친 발기인들은 취재진과 함께 통감관저 터와 중앙정보부의 옛 건물들을 둘러보는 답사에 나섰다. 이번 답사에서는 <한겨레21>이 지난번 답사 때 파악하지 못한 새로운 사실들이 공개됐다. 한홍구 교수와 서해성 소설가는 중앙정보부와 안기부 시절 고위직을 지낸 이들을 만나 이 일대에 얽힌 역사를 채록했다.
중앙정보부장의 옛 관사에서 통감관저 터까지는 보통 걸음으로도 3분이 채 걸리지 않는다. 이곳이 통감관저가 있던 자리임을 확인해줬던 하야시 곤스케(1860~1939)의 동상 받침대 판석은 통감관저 터 옆 공터의 석조 벤치가 돼 있었다. 2006년까지 시멘트 바닥 농구장이었던 이 터를 잔디밭으로 바꾸는 과정에서, 이 대리석 널판의 의미를 알 리 없는 건설업자가 벤치로 재활용한 것으로 보였다.
안기부 떠나면서 폭파 해체 요청
통감관저 터에 들어서면 뒤편 언덕으로 이어지는 석조 계단이 보인다. 계단은 휑한 시멘트 바닥의 공터로 이어진다. 한홍구 교수는 “바로 여기가 1961년 중앙정보부가 처음 자리를 잡은 곳이었다”며 “당시에는 여기에 퀸셋 막사(천막으로 만드는 조립형 군용 막사)를 치고 처음 정보부 요원들을 모았다고 한다”고 말했다. 정보부 요원들이 늘어날 때마다 남산 곳곳에 퀸셋 막사가 들어섰다. 744호 기사에서 밝힌 대로, 그 일대는 일제시대 일본인들이 터를 잡고 살았던 ‘왜성대’ 지역이다. 한 교수는 “이 자리에는 1970년대 중반에 제1별관이 들어섰는데, 이 건물에서는 주로 통신 도·감청이 이뤄졌기 때문에 1995년 중앙정보부의 후신인 안기부가 여기를 떠나면서 폭파 해체하도록 요청했다고 한다”고 덧붙였다.
제1별관이 해체된 공터 옆에는 안기부 본관(현 서울유스호스텔)으로 이어지는 계단이 있다. 천정배 의원은 “1980년대 안기부에 끌려간 이들을 접견하려면 남산 안기부 입구에 있는 ‘주자파출소’에서 면회를 신청하고 하염없이 기다려야 했다”며 “그나마 안기부가 조사 중인 인물의 접견을 허용한 것은 1989년 문익환 목사가 처음이었다”고 말했다. 안상운 변호사(발기인)도 “민변 활동 당시 안기부에서 조사받은 이들을 면회할 수 있는 곳은 3곳이었다”고 자신의 경험을 밝혔다. 가장 보편적인 곳이 서울 중부경찰서 면회실로, 주자파출소에서 접견을 신청하고 하염없이 기다리다 보면 ‘중부경찰서로 가라’는 지시가 떨어졌다고 한다. 안상운 변호사도 문익환 목사를 중부경찰서에서 접견했다. 중앙정보부장 관사에서 멀지 않은 정문 쪽 면회소에서도 접견이 이뤄졌다. 1990년 남한사회주의노동자동맹(사노맹) 활동을 하다 구속된 박노해 시인을 정문 면회소에서 만났다고 했다. 1992년께는 본관에서 접견이 이뤄지기도 했다. 안상운 변호사는 “1992년 안기부에 붙잡힌 전대협 간부들은 안기부 본관에서 면접했다”고 그때를 떠올렸다.
일행은 서울종합방재센터 옆 터널을 지나 현재의 서울시청 별관으로 향했다. 한홍구 교수는 “이 터널을 지나느냐 마느냐가 끌려온 사람의 운명을 갈랐다”고 설명했다. 제5별관으로 통했던 이 건물은 대공수사국이었는데, 간첩 혐의를 받는 이들이 조사받는 곳이었다. 한 교수는 “국정원 과거사위원회에서 간첩사건을 조사하면서 얻은 결론인데, 남북 분단 이후 남쪽에서 검거된 간첩(고정간첩) 1100여 명 중 엄밀한 의미에서의 남파 간첩은 50여 명 정도에 지나지 않는다고 본다”며 “나머지는 간첩으로 의심될 일을 한 이들이나 무고한 이들이 간첩으로 조작된 것인데, 그 조작이 모두 이 건물에서 이뤄졌다”고 말했다.
“중부경찰서로 가라” 그나마 고마운 접견
한홍구 교수는 “때마침 오늘(8월28일) 1980년대 ‘가족간첩단’으로 몰렸던 송씨 일가 사건이 재심 선고공판에서 무죄를 선고받았다”며 “송씨 가족 사건이야말로 안기부가 무고한 이들을 간첩으로 조작한 대표적인 사건”이라고 설명했다. 한국전쟁 때 월북한 인사의 가족을 고문해 ‘북한에 다녀와 간첩활동을 했다’는 허위자백을 받아내 간첩단으로 몬 사건이다. 한 교수는 “그 집안의 어머니에 대해서는 평소 알고 지내던 군인에게 ‘육해공군은 알겠는데, 해병대는 뭐하는 곳이냐’고 물었던 것을 군사정보 수집·탐지 활동 혐의로 엮었을 정도”라고 말했다.
서울고법 형사1부(재판장 조병현)는 이날 국가보안법 위반 혐의로 기소됐던 송씨 일가 8명에 대한 재심 선고공판에서 전원 무죄를 선고했다. 송씨 일가의 장남 기홍(65)씨는 무죄 선고 뒤 만난 기자들에게 “그때 수사관들을 지금 본다고 해도 때려 죽이고 싶을 정도”라며 분을 삭이지 못했다. 그는 “당시에도 대법원이 두 번이나 무죄 취지로 파기환송을 했는데, 정권과 안기부가 우리를 이렇게 만들었다”며 “당시 우리를 조사했던 수사관들에게는 간접적으로 ‘미안하게 생각한다’는 말만 들었을 뿐”이라고 말했다.
서해성 소설가는 “안기부에서도 대공수사 때 하는 고문은 정치범에 비할 수 없이 강도가 높았다”며 “이런 모진 고문을 해야 하니까 제5별관은 다른 건물에서도 멀리 떨어진 곳에 들어선 것”이라고 설명했다. 서울시 별관으로 쓰이는 지금에는 ‘푸른도시국장실’ ‘물관리국장실’ ‘맑은환경본부장실’ 등이 입주해 있다. 푸르고 맑음을 추구한다는 현재의 이 건물의 역할과 ‘음지에서 양지를 지향한다’던 20년 전 건물의 역할은 몸서리치게 달랐다.
정상덕 원불교 교무(발기인)는 신영복 성공회대 석좌교수에게 들은 이야기로 자신의 감상을 대신했다. 정 교무는 “신영복 교수로부터 1960년대 통혁당 사건으로 끌려가 중앙정보부에서 조사받을 당시의 이야기를 들었다”며 “신 교수가 사흘간 무자비하게 두드려맞고 기절했다가, 자신을 취조하던 수사관이 자신의 딸과 한없이 다정스런 목소리로 전화하는 소리를 듣고 깨어나, 인간의 이중성에 몸서리쳤다고 했다”고 말했다.
공포의 ‘인간 분쇄기’ 협박 일삼아
정 교무는 “또한 중앙정보부나 안기부에 끌려갔다 돌아온 이들은 수사관들이 ‘인간분쇄기’ 이야기로 협박할 때가 가장 치떨렸다고 했다”고 전했다. 당시 중정 요원들은 취조를 하다가 말을 듣지 않으면 ‘지하 3층에 가면 대형 분쇄기가 있다. 네가 대답하지 않으면 거기에 던져넣으면 끝이다. 그러면 네 몸뚱아리는 산산조각 나서 한강으로 통하는 하수구로 흘러간다. 그리고 실종신고 내면 끝이다’는 식으로 협박을 했다고 한다. 이런 시설은 실제 없었다. 그러나 지옥 같은 매타작에 정신이 혼미해진 이들에겐 그보다 더한 시설도 있을 것이란 공포감이 한없이 밀려들었을 것이다.
안상운 변호사는 제5별관 앞을 떠나며 “경찰은 악명 높았던 ‘남영동 분실’을 ‘박종철 인권기념관’으로 바꾼 바 있다”며 “그곳보다 더 많은 인권침해와 고문이 광범위하게 이뤄졌던 이곳이 이제는 아시아 평화와 인권의 중심으로 서게 되기를 간절히 바란다”고 말했다.
안기부장 언론특보 지낸 윤여준 전 장관
“우리 세대가 끝냈어야 할 일인데…”
남산 역사신탁 사업의 발기인으로 참여한 윤여준(70·사진) 전 환경부 장관은 “내가 인사말에서 부끄럽다고 말한 것은 우리 세대에서 끝냈어야 할 일들을 제대로 못했다는 자괴감 때문”이었다며 “우리 세대가 제대로 할 일을 못해서 지금 세대가 일을 해야 하는 상황이 온 것”이라고 말했다.
윤여준 전 장관은 노태우·김영삼 정부 시절에 청와대 공보수석비서관과 환경부 장관을 지냈고, 2003년에는 한나라당 부설 여의도연구소장을 지냈다. 노태우 전 대통령 시절 안기부장 언론특보를 지내기도 했다. 지내온 경력과 달리 늘 젊은 시각에서 역사와 현실 문제에 접근해왔다. 지난 5월 <한겨레21>이 대표적인 ‘합리적 보수’로 그를 첫손 꼽은 이유이기도 하다. 발기인대회가 끝난 뒤 못다 한 이야기들을 들었다.
-안기부장 언론특보 당시의 경험을 소개해달라.
=정보기관은 내부의 다른 조직의 일은 알지 못하도록 하는 ‘내부 차단의 원칙’이 있다. 특히 나는 부장의 특보로, 방계 조직에 속해서 그 조직의 본류가 하는 일에 대해서는 정보가 배제됐다. 그런 점들은 철저했다.
-역사신탁이 대중적인 운동이 되려면 뭐가 필요하다고 보나.
=요즘 국민 대중이 관심을 가지는 사안이 워낙 많아 쉽사리 국민적 호응을 받기는 어려울 것이다. 장기적으로 의지를 가지고 끈질기게 해야 할 운동 같다. 그러나 꼭 필요한 사업이다. 지금의 젊은 세대는 경술국치를 단지 역사의 기록으로만 알고 있다. 통감관저를 복원하게 된다면, 당시 역사를 정확하게 기록·복원해서 지금의 젊은 세대가 당시 상황을 제대로 알 수 있게 되기를 바란다.
내가 기자로 활동할 때(윤 전 장관은 언론인 출신이다), 1890년에서 1910년 사이에 발행된 <한성순보>와 <대한매일신보> 등을 보다가 ‘나라가 망해가는 게 이런 것이구나’ 하고 비감했던 적이 있다. 나라가 정치·경제·사회적으로 가라앉는 과정을 보면서 ‘일본인들이 이런 모습을 보고 쉽게 빼앗을 생각을 했구나’ 하는 생각이 들었다. 부끄러운 역사는 다시는 반복되지 않아야 한다.
-이런 역사운동이 가야 할 방향에 조언을 한다면.
=각자의 생각이 다르고 판단이 달라서 반대하는 이들도 많을 것이다. 전 국민이 호응한다고 생각하면 안 될 것이고, 생각이 다른 이들은 토론하고 설득하고 때로는 그들의 의견을 받아들여야 한다고 본다. 중요한 것은 지금 새삼스럽게 반일운동 하자는 것이 아니라는 점을 잘 알리는 일이다. 세상에, 나라를 빼앗겼던 민족이 그 과거를 정리하지 않고 건국만을 이야기하는 것이 어디 있느냐. 그러나 일부에서는 ‘지금 와서 옛날을 들춰 특정인들을 공격하려고 한다’는 논리를 펼 것이다. 그런 이들에게는 절대 그렇지 않다는 점을 잘 알려야 한다.

Korea Investigates Atrocities in Race Against Time

2009-09-04T09:44:00.002+09:00

The latest NYT article released today concerning the activities of Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission; this fairly well-observed article is trying to display the two conflicting perspectives over the commission's activities. Thought you may be interested in reading this.

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September 4, 2009
Korea Investigates Atrocities in Race Against Time
By CHOE SANG-HUN
KWANGAMRI, South Korea — On a heavily forested hilltop behind this village, investigators are excavating the long-buried history of the South Korean men, women and children who cowered in a trench as their own country’s troops mowed them down during the Korean War.
It is a race against time. The investigators, from the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, are tapping into the memories of a dwindling number of survivors as they pursue their mission of examining some of modern Korea’s most traumatic moments. They also face the possibility that their mandate, which expires next year, could be ended or drastically curtailed under the conservative government of President Lee Myung-bak.
What they are finding as they dig up the remains at Kwangamri, 175 miles south of Seoul, is physical evidence that backs up once suppressed stories of atrocities during the 1950-53 war.
In February 1951, the hills around this village were teeming with refugees caught up in the fighting between South Korean government forces and Communist guerrillas who aided the invading troops from the North. Some villagers had collaborated with the guerrillas. Others said they had been forced, at gunpoint, to accompany guerrillas who feared that the villagers would otherwise tell the South Korean Army where they were. Still others were simply fleeing the advancing troops.
By Feb. 20, the outnumbered guerrillas had retreated from the village, and South Korean soldiers had taken their place. What followed, survivors say, was wholesale carnage in which government soldiers assembled civilians and shot them as they begged for mercy.
“We were all families — old people, parents and children,” Moon Man-seop, 76, said in an interview. “When the soldiers ordered us to jump into the trench, my instincts told me to crawl to the bottom. An old man on top of me was trembling and weeping.”
Mr. Moon was shot three times, he said, and played dead for two days amid the dead and dying, one of only two people who emerged alive after the troops left.
The military’s combat report for that day recorded “1,005 enemy personnel” killed versus 3 South Korean soldiers. But survivors maintain that most of those who died here were unarmed civilians, including hundreds who survived the initial attack but were rounded up on this hillside and summarily executed on suspicion of being Communist sympathizers.
Fifty-eight years later, investigators have so far unearthed the remains of 108 people from the trench, a quarter of them women and children. Many were found with their hands tied behind their backs or necks, as Mr. Moon described in testimony before the truth commission. One was a child clutching marbles.
During the decades of anti-Communist authoritarian rule in South Korea, there was little public discussion of such killings. Grieving families’ attempts to dig up the dead for proper burial were punished as treason.
But as the country’s fledgling democracy strengthened throughout the 1990s, the calls for investigations mounted. And the revelation in 1999 that American forces had shot and killed unarmed civilians near the South Korean hamlet of No Gun Ri during the war inspired increasing numbers of South Koreans to come forward with tales of atrocities. (The Pentagon later acknowledged the deaths, but said they were a result of confusion and fear.)
In 2005 the liberal government of President Roh Moo-hyun set up the truth commission to investigate civilians’ claims of massacres by the South Korean and American armies and by Communist forces.
South Korea’s commission — which cannot compel testimony, prosecute or award compensation — has since confirmed more than 50 mass killings of civilians, out of 1,222 reported by victims’ relatives, during the Korean War and has located 168 mass graves. But hobbled by budget constraints and a lack of political support from President Lee’s administration, it expects to have excavated only 13 of them before its term expires in April.
“When we interview witnesses and survivors, we find more burial sites,” said Noh Yong-seok, the commission’s chief excavator. “They are countless. These bones know no ideology. But our political situation doesn’t allow them to have a proper resting place.”
When Mr. Noh’s team began digging at various sites in 2007, it was cracking open one of the most divisive chapters in South Korea’s modern history.
In the first chaotic months of the war, the South Korean military and the civilian police hastily executed thousands of political prisoners and people suspected of being leftists to prevent them from aiding the invading North Korean forces.
There was brutality on both sides. The commission has confirmed 23 mass killings by Communists in the South. Leftist guerrillas attacked the police and slaughtered right-wing villagers, contributing to a chain of revenge killings fueled not just by political ideology, but also by personal grievances and local feuds.
By April, the commission expects to have recovered the remains of 1,700 civilians, a small fraction of the more than 100,000 civilians, including about 20,000 political prisoners, it estimates were executed by South Korean forces during the war.
“Our realistic goal is to investigate representative cases and render an indirect and symbolic resolution to all the other cases of mass killings,” Ahn Byung-ook, president of the commission, recently told reporters. “Our aim is not to punish the perpetrators, but to resolve the grievances of those who suffered injustice amid the madness of the war.”
Shortly before he stepped down as president last year, Mr. Roh offered the first government apology, for 870 deaths confirmed in Ulsan, in the south. But rightist veterans groups attacked commission members as “Communists.”
Under the law that established the commission, its term may be extended by two years, but there is doubt that this will happen, given strong political opposition from the conservative-dominated government and Parliament, which appoint most of its top officials and control its budget.
During the presidential campaign last year, members of President Lee’s party said the group’s activities threatened social harmony in the South and could strain South Korea’s alliance with the United States. On Thursday, a government official who requested anonymity because of the delicacy of the subject said the government wanted to halt the group’s work or force it to merge with other investigative bodies. The victims’ families say a merger would severely hinder the commission’s ability to investigate their claims.
For now, Korean citizens remain deeply divided over the group’s work.
Lee Soon-chang, 77, who had a role in wartime killings that he feels were justified, complained recently that the commission vilified the military “while turning Communists into patriots.”
“They say these people were executed without trial,” he said. “But what trial? It was wartime.”
Mr. Lee said that in October 1950, when he was a right-wing militiaman in Koyang, north of Seoul, he escorted men and women, detained by pro-government villagers on suspicion of being Communist collaborators, to a hill where the police executed them in groups of five and pushed their bodies into an abandoned mine shaft.
Local leftists slaughtered 45 of his comrades with bamboo spears the month before, he said.
Lee Byong-soon, 76, whose father was among those executed in Koyang, said he and his uncle went to the mine shaft hours after the killings and were able to take out one person who was still alive. “But my uncle could not find my father amid the jumble of dead and dying,” he said.
“The day my father was killed, I saw him being led out of the police station at the end of the line,” he said. “I still see him.”

YOU MADE MY HEART SING

2009-09-03T15:25:00.003+09:00

It was the title of an article that I read this morning from the New York Times; don’t exactly remember what it was about, but I remember how beautifully the article was titled. The moment I saw it, I had to read it through just because how it sounded. Thinking how lucky the person whoever the hero/heroine of the story enabling to chant someone making him/her heart sing, my eyes reading it through beamed with such jealous. I am not denying there were moments that I appreciate the life in general for knowing some of those I’ve fortunately become acquainted, or experiencing some of things I did; but it would still need to be very very and very special to have someone’s heart sing, don’t you think?

Then, shortly after completing the article, I found myself looking back hard if there was such an occasion like that for me too lately. After all, I wasn’t that unfortunate I guess; I could actually think of a couple of events I laughed hard, my eyes glowed in such warmth, and my heart was beating so fast. But, did my heart want to sing even then? To reach to such stage of delight felicity, it takes more than simple trembling of emotion and hard laughter, I guess.

I assume everything we do is eventually for the pursuit of happiness. Whatever “happinesses” are, we all are reaching out to grasp a piece of it every moment in our lives, believing they would bring a stage of nirvana without regrets. Here, we naturally would wonder what is this “happiness”? and why do we so desperately want it? If we have it, would our hearts want to sing? I know what would make me laugh and where I feel comfortable. But do I really understand what/when my heart would want to sing? Have there been any throughout my life? They say life is a continuity of making choices. I can’t be an exception; I have been making choices and I know I will be. Generally, I am content with what I chose, but what about those not been chosen?; what about those still lingering in some hidden corners of my heart??

There were moments I thought certain things wouldn’t be matter to me and I wouldn't be bother without them; but now I am about to experience the sheer regret for the foolish thoughts and following abrupt acts. I find myself longing for what everyone else seems enjoying. Why something such ordinary to all should be something such extraordinary to someone else?

Are people born with unique nature, individually distinctive one another?, and can’t they be changed no matter what sorts of circumstances and experiences they would have in their lives? In the deep down our hearts, do we all know what we are? Although, there may be occasional fights with the destiny, do we all eventually return to what were destined??

I know I am a simple person who sees the most beautiful things from the simplest and the most ordinary things. A sip of cocktail in a remote beach at the sunset would make my heart sing; if I have someone I TLC, hell yes; that would definitely make my heart sing in its highest joy. Is this too much for asking? Why can’t life be as simple as how it sounds? What do we fight for during our entire lives? Because we all are seeking perfection amid of such imperfection? This thing is now turning into an endless murmurings and grumbles, which I’ve never been appreciating for its wasting nature.

After all the above mutterings, although parts of me still hesitant, I know there is a way I am supposed to follow; and I will. I just wish my heart will find peace and such joy in it, not to mention my body musters strength enough to carry out what it takes to complete it!

Thank you God, I pray in Jesus’ name. Amen.

Alexa from Seoul.

[역사교과서 저자 승소]“저자 동의없이 임의 수정 못해”… 교과부 책임론

2009-09-03T13:53:00.002+09:00

Korea's Ministry of Education faces trouble ahead concerning its push to revise the high school history textbooks by the rules of the Seoul Central District Court that came out today.

ㆍ법원, 저작인격권 관련 주장 모두 인정
ㆍ저자들 “학교 혼란없게 회수 요구안해”

“당연한 결과” 금성출판사 역사교과서 저자인 한국교원대 김한종 교수가 2일 서울중앙지법에서 ‘교과서 발행 중단’ 판결이 내려진 뒤 기자들의 질문에 답하고 있다. 연합뉴스 이명박 정부 출범 이후 교육계를 강타했던 ‘역사교과서 수정 파문’의 1라운드 승패가 갈렸다. 2일 서울중앙지법은 “저자 동의 없이 교과서를 수정한 것은 부당하다”고 판결, 저자의 학문적 양심에 손을 들어줬다. 소송의 외견상 피고는 금성출판사였지만 실제로는 교과서 내용을 수정지시한 교육과학기술부가 책임을 피할 수 없을 것으로 보인다. 이번 판결은 저자들이 지난 2월 교과부를 상대로 서울행정법원에 낸 수정명령 취소 청구소송에도 영향을 미칠 것으로 전망된다.
◇저자들의 주장 모두 인정=법원은 저작인격권을 둘러싼 법리적 쟁점에서 저자들의 주장을 모두 인정했다. 앞서 지난 1월 저자들이 제기한 저작인격권 침해 금지 가처분 소송에 대해 기각 결정을 내린 법원의 결정을 뒤집은 것이다. 당시 법원은 가처분 기각 결정을 내리며 “출판사의 수정행위는 교과부 장관의 수정 명령에 근거한 것이고, 그 범위도 교과서 총 쪽수의 50%를 넘지 않으므로 저작인격권을 침해하는 행위에 해당되지 않는다”고 판단했다. 그러나 이날 본안소송을 맡은 재판부는 세 가지 취지로 이를 모두 뒤집었다. 재판부는 “출판계약에 교과부가 저자들에게 수정지시를 할 수 있다고 명시했다고 해도 이것만으로 출판사가 저자들의 동의없이 내용을 수정할 수 있는 것은 아니다”라고 판시했다. 저자들이 수정을 요구한 것이 아니면 출판사가 임의로 교과서를 수정할 수 없다는 의미다. 또 재판부는 ‘동일성 유지권(저작자가 저작물의 내용·형식·제호의 동일성을 유지할 수 있는 권리)’을 근거로 교과서 수정이 부당하다고 판단했다. 이어 “교과용 도서 자체를 수정할 때는 동일성유지권이 제한된다고 볼 수 없다”고 덧붙였다. 마지막으로 재판부는 “소송에 6명의 저자 모두가 아닌 5명만 참가했으므로 소송 자체가 성립되지 않는다”는 출판사 측 주장에 대해 “저작인격권 침해에 대해서는 반드시 전원의 합의가 필요한 것은 아니다”라고 밝혔다. ◇교과서는 당분간 사용 가능=재판 결과에 대해 교과부는 당혹해하면서도 대법원의 확정판결이 나올 때까지 수정 교과서 사용은 가능하다는 입장을 내놓았다. 교과부 이성희 학교자율화추진관은 “금성출판사 측에서 항소할 뜻을 밝혔기 때문에 향후 재판 결과를 기다릴 것”이라며 “가처분 결과와 이날 재판의 결과가 다른 것처럼 2심 법원은 또 판단이 다를 수 있다”고 말했다. 이 추진관은 “교과서 수정은 학문적·교육적으로 충분히 검토한 끝에 내려진 조치”라고 말했다. 교과부의 이 같은 방침은 ‘시간끌기 전략’을 통해 굳이 교과서를 재수정하지 않고도 학생들에게 현행 교과서 내용을 가르칠 수 있다는 계산이 작용한 것으로 보인다. 7차 교육과정 개편에 따라 한국 근·현대사 교과서는 일선 학교에서 2011년까지만 사용되고 2012학년도부터는 한국 근·현대사라는 과목 자체가 없어진다. 통상 대법원 확정판결이 나오기까지는 1~2년 정도 걸리는 만큼 2011년까지는 현행 교과서가 그대로 사용될 수 있을 것이라는 게 교과부의 판단인 것이다. 현재 금성출판사에서 발행한 역사교과서는 전국 2139개 고교 중 919개교(43%)에서 사용하고 있다. 교과부는 곤혹스러운 표정이 역력했다. 담당 직원들은 긴급 회의를 열고 향후 대응방안을 논의했으며 교과부를 상대로 진행 중인 행정소송에 어떤 영향을 미칠지 촉각을 곤두세우는 분위기였다. 한 직원은 “교과부로선 예상 밖의 판결이 내려져 유감”이라고 말했다.<선근형·장은교기자 ssun@kyunghyang.com>

I Look to You

2009-08-28T13:39:00.002+09:00

As I lay me down,
heaven hear me now.
I'm lost without a cause
after giving it my all.

Winter storms have come
and darkened my sun.
After all that I've been through
Who on earth can I turn to?

[Refrain]
I look to you.
I look to you.
After all my strength is gone,
in you I can be strong

I look to you.
I look to you.
And when melodies are gone,
in you I hear a song.

I look to you.
About to lose my breathe,
there's no more fighting left,
Sinking to rise no more,
searching for that open door.

And every road that I've taken
lead to my regret.
And I don't know if I'm going to make it.
Nothing to do but lift my head

[Refrain]
I look to you.
I look to you.
After all my strength is gone,
in you I can be strong

I look to you.
I look to you.
And when melodies are gone,
in you I hear a song.

I look to you.
My levees are broken
My walls have come
tumbling down on me

The rain is falling.
Defeat is calling.
I need you to set me free.

Take me far away from the battle.
I need you.
Shine on me.

[Refrain]
I look to you.
I look to you.
After all my strength is gone,
in you I can be strong

I look to you.
I look to you.
And when melodies are gone,
in you I hear a song.

I look to you.

How are we recovering the history of Mt. Nam (남산)?

2009-08-20T14:27:00.002+09:00

Mt. Nam is situated right in the heart of the city of Seoul, providing a rare place to breathe in this hustle and bustle of the city life. It has survived and been releatively intact from the city's almost "invasive" city plannings. Under the Korea's authoritarian regimes, the mountain was notorious because it was where the KCIA building was embeded. Now, Seoul faces a chance to reclaim its name, not by destroying and erasing a chapter of its history by removing a building once used as Korea's secret agencies but by building a place to promote sustainable peace and human rights instead.

주간동아 2009-08-19
“남산의 아픈 역사도 후대에 남겨주자”

“대한민국의 근현대사와 남산의 운명은 한 몸으로 얽혀 있다. 역사의 명멸들이 현재와 대화하면서 오늘과 내일을 창조할 수 있는 지혜의 땅이다.”
대표적인 진보 역사학자인 성공회대 교양학부 한홍구 교수가 최근 남산의 역사적, 상징적 의미를 강조하고 나섰다.
8월3일 기자와 만난 한 교수는 “‘남산 르네상스 마스터플랜’(이하 남산플랜)에선 남산에 대한 의미를 찾기 어렵다”고 말했다. 오히려 남산플랜이 남산이 가지는 현대사의 역사적 기억을 훼손할 수 있다고 걱정했다.
서울시가 지난 3월 발표한 남산플랜은 남산의 △접근성 개선 △생태 및 산자락 복원 △역사 복원 △경관 개선 △운영 프로그램 확충 등을 통해 시민에게 남산을 일상 속의 공간으로 되돌려준다는 게 핵심이다.
한 교수가 가장 먼저 문제제기한 부분은 경관 개선. 남산플랜의 경관 개선안에는 자연경관과 생태 가치를 극대화하기 위해 남산 내 구(舊) 중앙정보부 소속 건물들을 철거한다는 계획이 포함돼 있는데, 바로 이 대목이 역사 복원을 언급한 플랜의 취지와 부합하지 않는다는 것이다.
서울시의 계획대로라면 구 중앙정보부 남산 본관(현 서울유스호스텔)과 취조 건물로 사용된 현 서울시청 남산 별관, 그리고 민주화투쟁 인사들에게 악명 높았던 중앙정보부 6국이 있던 현 서울시균형발전본부 건물 등 4곳이 2011년부터 단계적으로 철거된다.
한 교수는 “긍정적, 부정적 이미지를 떠나 중앙정보부 건물은 우리 역사의 중요한 흔적이 남아 있는 곳”이라며 “이런 곳을 무조건 없애버린다면 역사 복원이라는 남산플랜의 전체 취지가 반감될 수밖에 없다”고 말했다. 한 교수는 중앙정보부 건물의 보존과 함께 조선통감 관저의 복원도 필요하다고 주장했다. 조선통감 관저는 서울 중구 예장동 서울유스호스텔 진입로의 들머리에 있던 건물로, 1910년 8월 일본 통감 데라우치와 조선 총리대신 이완용이 한일병합 조약을 맺었던 ‘경술국치’의 장소다.
“무조건 헐어 없애면 역사 상실”
한 교수는 “한일합방 무렵 ‘왜성대’라고 불리기도 한 이곳을 중심으로 필동, 회현동 등에 일본인이 집단으로 거주했다”며 “치욕의 역사를 복원해 후대에게 ‘우리 민족의 고난이 시작된 장소가 이곳’이라는 사실을 알리는 일은 매우 큰 의미를 지닌다”고 전했다.
한 교수는 앞서 언급한 두 역사적 장소의 복원과 보존 사업에 대국민 참여를 유도하는 캠페인을 벌일 계획이다. 조선통감 관저의 경우 ‘역사 신탁(History Trust)’이라는 사업명으로 경술국치 100년이 되는 내년 8월29일에 복원하는 것이 목표다. 중앙정보부 건물 4곳과 관련해서는 근대역사 유적 지정 및 아시아인권 평화박물관 건립을 추진할 예정이다.
한 교수는 “개인의 정치 성향에 따라 과거사에 대한 해석이 엇갈릴 수 있지만 ‘과거사를 온전히 보존해 미래를 든든히 다지자’는 점에 대해선 이견이 없을 것으로 보인다”며 “이번 기회가 우리 사회에서 양극으로 갈라진 대립적 모습들이 하나로 뭉치는 계기가 됐으면 하는 바람”이라고 밝혔다.
유재영 기자 elegant@donga.com

Former President of South Korea Dae-jung Kim Passed Away

2009-08-18T14:06:00.003+09:00

The former president of the Republic of Korea, Dae-jung Kim passed away approximately 10 minutes ago at 1:43pm August 18, 2009 local Seoul time. This marked the second death of former leaders of the nation after the deceased president Moo-hyun Roh.

The former president Kim was creator of the "Sunshine Policy" and well known for a Nobel Peace Prize laureate for his human rights advocate works during the Korea's democratization.

South Korean Worker Freed by North

2009-08-14T10:11:00.000+09:00

See any resemblance with the release of two American journalists last week?

August 14, 2009

By CHOE SANG-HUN
SEOUL, South Korea — North Korea on Thursday released a South Korean worker it had held for several months on charges of denouncing its political system, signaling what analysts called a desire by the North to ease relations with the South after months of tensions over its nuclear weapons program.
The South Korean worker, Yoo Seong-jin, 44, was handed over to South Korean officials in Kaesong, a North Korean border town where the two Koreas run a joint industrial park. The man crossed the border and was reunited with his family later Thursday.
“I am glad that I have safely returned home,” Mr. Yoo said, thanking the government for helping secure his release. He did not answer questions from a crowd of reporters who waited near the border for his arrival.
Mr. Yoo, a technician for the Hyundai Group, was detained on March 30 by the North Korean authorities, who accused him of denouncing the North Korean government and trying to persuade a North Korean woman working at Kaesong to defect to the South. During his detention, he was not allowed to talk to South Korean officials.
Mr. Yoo’s release removes an obstacle in inter-Korean relations. It came a week after the North freed two American journalists it had held since mid-March on charges of illegal entry and committing hostile acts against the government.
North Korea released the two journalists after former President Bill Clinton visited Pyongyang, the capital, and met the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-il.
Hyun Jung-eun, the head of the Hyundai Group, South Korea’s biggest corporate investor in the North, visited Pyongyang to negotiate Mr. Yoo’s release, and Mr. Yoo was freed during her visit. It remained unclear whether Ms. Hyun had met Mr. Kim during the negotiations.
The North is still holding four South Korean fishermen whose boat was seized two weeks ago after it had strayed into North Korean waters.
Analysts have said that North Korea is using the visits by Mr. Clinton and Ms. Hyun to re-establish contacts with Washington and Seoul in hopes of undermining the impact of United Nations sanctions imposed after its nuclear test on May 25.
By inviting the Hyundai chief to Pyongyang, North Korea signaled its willingness to revive private business exchanges with South Korea, a crucial source of hard currency for the government, said Chun Hyun-joon, an analyst at the government-financed Korea Research Institute for National Unification in Seoul.
“It still is too early to say that this will lead to a resumption of official dialogue between the two sides,” Mr. Chun added.
Even before the nuclear test, inter-Korean relations had been at their lowest in years. President Lee Myung-bak in Seoul vowed not to ship any aid to the North unless it made tangible progress in dismantling its nuclear weapons program. The North responded by curtailing border traffic and suspending Hyundai’s business taking South Korean tourists to Kaesong.
North Korea has alternated between conciliatory steps and moves that raise tension.
Mr. Lee is preparing to address the nation on Saturday, the anniversary of Korea’s liberation from Japanese colonial rule. The day has traditionally served as an occasion for South Korean leaders to make overtures toward the North.

Half Reconciliation [NYT Article: After Torture and Betrayal, Reconciliation]

2009-08-14T09:58:00.002+09:00

Although, I have remained a sincere reader of his articles for last a few years and personally am fond of him, I feel obliged to comment the articles below missed out a point. Reading it made sound like two friends were the main characteristics of victim-perpetrator's vicious cycle, which was not. Both are victims; let's make that clear first. It would've probably been better if the article clarify who was responsible for the whole situation of the friends couldn't be able to find themselves but passing on the wrongful accusation on each other. From the beginning, everything was wrong; they were friends, and they should've been even closer allies after the incident, having the same enermy, but they were blinded to see the truth.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

August 11, 2009

By CHOE SANG-HUN
GAEYADO, SOUTH KOREA — When the twice-a-day ferry pulls into this island of 900 people, village dogs trot out to the pier to watch the passengers come ashore. Seagulls wheel overhead as weathered fishermen mend nets on the beach. Women in sunbonnets spread anchovies out to dry.
Gaeyado today presents an idyllic scene.
But decades ago, the arrival of ferries was anticipated with dread. Often they brought the counterintelligence detectives, agents in successive South Korean military governments’ drives to root out Communists and their sympathizers.
The extent of the terror they spread in places like Gaeyado is only now coming to light with the revelations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. This panel was set up in 2005 to investigate dark episodes in modern Korean history, including abuses the South Korean government perpetrated against fishermen, mostly from the 1960s to the 1980s, in the name of fighting the Communist threat from the North.
In the fearful atmosphere of that time, neighbors informed on each other. People were detained and tortured. Families broke apart, and onetime friends — like Park Chun-hwan, now 62, and Im Bong-taek, 61 — turned on each other.
These men’s ordeal began in the spring of 1968. Like every spring, fishing boats from Gaeyado pursued schools of croaker as they migrated north, sometimes venturing too far into frontier waters prowled by the navies of both South and North Korea.
Onboard one such boat was the 21-year-old Mr. Park.
“That morning, the catch was not so good,” he recalled. “We were about to haul in our net when two North Korean patrol boats appeared out of the fog.” He and the other crew members were taken captive.
Some 4,000 South Korean fishermen were seized by the North in the decades after the 1950-3 Korean War. Their captors showered these men with gifts, and tried in indoctrination sessions to persuade them to renounce the Seoul government and defect to the North. Hundreds of fishermen remained in the North, not all voluntarily. But most, eventually, were allowed to go home.
In South Korea, they were treated with suspicion, usually undergoing weeks of interrogation by police officers seeking any evidence of treason. Often they were jailed for violating fishing regulations.
For some, such as Mr. Park, the outcome was far worse.
Mr. Park was held in North Korea for five months. Although pressured to defect, he told his captors he wanted to go back to his wife, whom he had married only a month before he was kidnapped. He was released to South Korea, where he was jailed for eight months for straying outside the legal fishing zone.
In 1971, with Mr. Park back home and working on a prawn ship, two detectives came by to “ask a few more questions.” For the next 70 days, Mr. Park says, he was detained in an inn where he was deprived of sleep and forced to write a “confession.” Each evening, he said, he was taken to an underground torture room.
The interrogators wanted details. Wasn’t it true he had brought back two “red-covered” Communist books and given them to friends? Where had he hidden the radio he intended to use to transmit information about local officials and industries to his spy masters in Pyongyang? Hadn’t he raved about the food he had eaten in the North, and about the enthusiastic welcome women had given him when he visited factories there?
They made him squeeze his knees into a metal bucket for 24 hours at a time, he said. They shocked him with electricity, splashing him with icy water when he lost consciousness.
Finally, he said yes, he had brought back books from North Korea, and named Mr. Im as the friend to whom he had given them.
“I thought the torture was going to kill me,” Mr. Park said. “But my friend had a relative in the police, so I hoped he might be O.K.”
Now the two friends were both tortured in custody.
Mr. Im said his interrogators tied his hands and legs together and hung him upside down, naked, “like a roast chicken,” and beat the soles of his feet.
“They kept asking where the books were,” Mr. Im said. “I wished Chun-hwan really had given me books, so I could at least turn them in. I wanted to kill him for involving me in this.”
Mr. Park was subjected to the same torture: “Hanging upside down like that for hours, you feel like your face has swollen to twice its size. Blood oozed from my eye sockets.”
The men ended up confessing to whatever their torturers seemed to want. Mr. Park was sentenced to seven years in prison for praising and spying for North Korea. Mr. Im was sentenced to eight months for not having reported his friend to the police.
During all their time in custody, the two men never met. Mr. Park’s wife died of heart attack and Mr. Im’s father hanged himself.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which is reviewing cases from that era, has concluded that many of the estimated 1,250 fishermen who were tried from the 1960s to the 1980s on charges of cooperating with North Korea had confessed to questionable charges under torture. In April, the commission said Mr. Park and Mr. Im were among them and recommended that they receive new trials.
Gaeyado had its share of such cases. Between 1960 and 1968, five of its fishing boats were seized by North Korea. At least seven fishermen were sentenced to prison terms of 7 to 12 years after their return to South Korea.
Two were arrested more than 16 years after they had come back home. In each case, the commission found, the suspects’ shipmates, neighbors or relatives were tortured, sometimes for weeks, until they testified against them.
Two Gaeyado fishermen recently had their convictions overturned in retrials prompted by the commission’s investigations. Mr. Park and Mr. Im are still awaiting retrial.
After Mr. Park’s release from prison in 1979, he left Gaeyado and settled in an inland town. He spent 30 years as a tobacco farmer and now works the night shift at a toothbrush factory.
Mr. Im still lives in Gaeyado, making his living catching crabs and raising ducks. He scurries around the island on his scooter, shouting greetings at neighbors. But his eyes misted when he talked about the past.
So as not to forget, he recorded his torturers’ names and deeds in a tattered notebook he made out of a used calendar while working as a deckhand on a fishing boat in the mid-1980s.
Following their release from prison, the two men did not meet again until June of this year, when the commission and Gaeyado community arranged a “party of reconciliation.” The entire village was invited, and about 200 people showed up, including the police and other officials.
Despite the commission’s urging, there has been no apology from the central government for what the fishermen went through. But when Mr. Park and Mr. Im met and embraced in tears, old wounds seemed to heal.
“I told him I was sorry,” Mr. Park said. “When the detectives told me what Bong-taek had confessed, I imagined the torture he must have suffered because of me. I wanted to smash my head against a wall.”
Mr. Im said he had long ago forgiven Mr. Park, because he knew his friend had lied under torture.
“I know because I went through the same torture,” he said.

Kissinger Weighs in on North Korea

2009-08-10T17:38:00.002+09:00

How would you reckon?
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
August 9, 2009, 3:48 pm

By Ashley Southall
The debate over former President Bill Clinton’s trip this week to North Korea has drawn in one of his wife’s predecessors, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.
Mr. Kissinger, who served as the architect of American foreign policy under Presidents Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford, wrote an editorial published on several news Web sites Sunday, including that of The New York Times, about the long-term implications of the former president’s trip on negotiations with Pyongyang.
Mr. Clinton, who is married to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, met with North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il last week in the capital Pyongyang and secured the release of two American journalists imprisoned there.
The trip’s critics said the endeavor, which the Obama administration said was a private humanitarian effort, was the equivalent of a ransom payment, and that it put Americans living and working abroad at risk.
Mr. Kissinger called the women’s imprisonment “blackmail,” and urged the Obama administration not to be intimidated by Pyongyang as it presses North Korea to disarm.
“The benign atmosphere by which it culminated its latest blackmail must not tempt us or our partners into bypaths that confuse atmosphere with substance,” Mr. Kissinger wrote. “Any outcome other than the elimination of the North Korean nuclear military capability in a fixed time frame is a blow to nonproliferation prospects worldwide and to peace and stability globally.”
Mr. Kissinger fretted that the visit had given North Korea just the propaganda it needed to portray itself as legitimate, and he questioned whether the visit had given other nations an incentive to stockpile nuclear weapons.
“A visit by a former president, who is married to the secretary of state, will enable Kim Jong Il to convey to North Koreans, and perhaps to other countries, that his country is being accepted into the international community,” Mr. Kissinger said, “precisely the opposite of what Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has defined as the goal of U.S. policy until Pyongyang abandons its nuclear weapons program.”
He said Mr. Clinton’s trip fueled speculation about possible bilateral talks between North Korea and the United States outside of the so-called Six-Party talks. But the success of any agreement between the two countries, he said, would hinge on the support of North Korea’s neighbors, who have been involved in the talks: China, South Korea, Russia and Japan.
“These countries should not be made to feel that the United States uses them as pawns for its global designs,” Mr. Kissinger said.
But the trip was not enough to pose a serious threat to negotiations, and Mr. Kissinger urged the administration to keep its goal for nuclear disarmament in North Korea saying, “the administration is still in a position to achieve a beneficent long-term outcome.”

Concerning North Korea's Stalemate Diplomacy; How effective is this?

2009-08-05T11:26:00.001+09:00

Clinton to Pyongyang: Criteria for Success
Posted by Scott Snyder on 08/04/2009 :: Permalink :: Comments
A former U.S. president visits Pyongyang to break the stalemate at a time of rising tensions over North Korea's nuclear program. This sounds like dÃ©jÃ vu, but the twist is that the mission is a purely "private" one to secure the release of two American journalists convicted and sentenced to twelve years in a North Korean labor camp for committing "hostile acts" against the regime. Nonetheless, if Jimmy Carter's 1994 visit to Pyongyang is any guide, Bill Clinton's visit might turn out to be the equivalent of hitting the "reset" button in U.S. relations with North Korea. What are the criteria for judging the outcome of the Clinton visit to Pyongyang?

First, the visit will be successful if Bill Clinton is able to reverse North Korea's harsh verdict and secure the release and return of Laura Ling and Euna Lee to their families. There is a high possibility that the visit can achieve this result since the North Koreans have discreetly sent signals to this effect by not assigning the two journalists to a labor camp and by allowing limited telephone contact between the reporters and their families. North Korea's UN Ambassador Sin Son-ho held a hurriedly arranged press conference on July 25th at which he stated that "we are not against a dialogue. We are not against any negotiations on issues of common concern."
Second, the visit opens a channel through which authoritative messages can be delivered regarding U.S. expectations for the future of the relationship with North Korea. Even if it is a private visit with a humanitarian purpose, former president Clinton is uniquely placed to provide the North Koreans with a clear understanding of the conditions and parameters under which the U.S.-DPRK relationship might go forward. Presumably, the core of such a message would be that the basis upon which it is possible to envision an improved political relationship between the United States and North Korea remains denuclearization, and that continued nuclear activity will be met with the continued implementation of UN sanctions under UN Security Council Resolution 1874.
Third, the DPRK has suggested its own preconditions for dialogue, but a private visit does not recognize North Korean statements that six party talks are dead, as the North Korean foreign ministry has claimed. The DPRK foreign ministry may have signaled its desire for Clinton's visit when the spokesman referred last week to a "specific and reserved form of dialogue that can address the current situation." The visit provides an opportunity to listen directly to North Korea's leadership without committing to any specific response or giving weight to North Korean preconditions. Delivery of diplomatic messages through private channels provides a means by which dialogue is possible while sidestepping the official preconditions for dialogue that both sides are attaching to their current positions.
Fourth, the visit provides an opportunity to gain additional direct knowledge regarding the status of North Korea's leadership succession process. How the North Koreans handle Clinton's visit, including who Clinton meets inside North Korea, will provide additional information regarding that state of top-level decision making in North Korea.
Most importantly, the Obama administration will have time to assess the results of a private visit and to consult with allies and friends regarding next steps based on the outcome. This means that the initiative lies with North Korea and the response on the part of the United States and its partners will depend on how North Korea handles the visit.
The primary danger of such a private visit is the possibility of overreach by a former president, a danger regarding which Clinton should be acutely aware, given the Clinton administration's own experience with Jimmy Carter's visit in 1994.
Another potential challenge is that North Korea's release of the two American journalists without the accompanying release of a South Korean employee of Hyundai Asan at the Kaesong Industrial Complex may put additional political pressure on South Korea's president Lee Myung-bak at a sensitive point in inter-Korean negotiations over the future of the complex.

Release of 2 American journalists

2009-08-05T10:33:00.003+09:00

Two American journalists sentensed for 12 years of hard labor and detained in North Korea were pardoned upon the former US president Bill Clinton's visit to the country and released. They, along with Clinton, are on their ways to their beloveds now, but how to interpret this grows to be ever more controversial. How Korea's major news media perceive the news are clearly distinguishable and contradictory in terms of the future relations of the six parties in accordance with this ruling.

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August 5, 2009
Clinton and Two Freed Journalists Leave N. Korea
By CHOE SANG-HUN, MARK LANDLER and PETER BAKER
SEOUL, South Korea — Former President Bill Clinton left North Korea early Wednesday, after securing a pardon for two jailed American journalists from the reclusive North Korean president, Kim Jong-il, Reuters reported. The two journalists, Laura Ling, 32, and Euna Lee, 36, were returning to the United States with Mr. Clinton, the news agency reported, after having been held by North Korea since being detained by North Korean soldiers along the Chinese border on March 17. They were on a reporting assignment from Current TV, a San Francisco-based media company co-founded by Al Gore, the former vice president.
They were eventually convicted and sentenced to 12 years at hard labor for “committing hostilities against the Korean nation and illegal entry.” But they were held near Pyongyang rather than sent to a labor camp after the sentencing, raising hopes that North Korea might be willing to pardon them. The administration, which had initially said the charges were “baseless,” began discussing a possible “amnesty” for the women, signaling a readiness to acknowledge some degree of culpability in return for their freedom.
On Tuesday, the Ling and Lee families issued a joint statement on their Web site in which they thanked the Obama administration, President Clinton and “all the people who have supported our families through this ordeal.” They added that they were “counting the seconds to hold Laura and Euna in our arms.”
The pardon added to speculation among analysts in Seoul that North Korea, after months of raising tensions and hostile rhetoric towards Washington, may be ready to return to dialogue with Washington.
Tensions have been high since a nuclear test by the North on May 25 and the subsequent American-led effort to impose international sanctions against the North.
Administration officials sought to temper suggestions that Mr. Clinton would engage in sweeping discussions with Mr. Kim about North Korea’s nuclear program. His brief, one official said, was strictly limited to the imprisoned journalists.
Since its last short-range missile tests in early July, North Korea has refrained from taking any provocative actions, setting the stage for a possible return to dialogue. In recent weeks, it has indicated that it wanted one-on-one talks with Washington. The United States insists that such discussions are possible only within the six-nation talks involving other regional powers, a multilateral forum the North has declared “dead.”
Accompanying Mr. Clinton was John Podesta, who was his last chief of staff at the White House and is now an informal adviser to the Obama administration. Mr. Podesta, the president of the Center for American Progress, a research organization in Washington, is an influential player in Democratic policy circles. Mr. Clinton also brought longtime personal aides, including Douglas Band.
Kang Sok-ju, the first vice foreign minister and Mr. Kim’s most trusted adviser on Pyongyang’s relations with Washington, attended the meeting, and later in the evening the North’s National Defense Commission, the country’s top governing agency chaired by Mr. Kim, hosted a dinner party for Mr. Clinton, state media reported.
Mr. Clinton flew into Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, in an unmarked jet early Tuesday morning local time, Central TV, a North Korean station, reported. The White House confirmed the visit on Tuesday, but said it was a private mission.
“While this solely private mission to secure the release of two Americans is on the ground, we will have no comment,” Mr. Gibbs said in a statement. “We do not want to jeopardize the success of former President Clinton’s mission.”
It was widely assumed that Mr. Clinton would not have undertaken the mission without specific assurances that Ms. Ling and Ms. Lee would be released.
The last time an American official met with Mr. Kim was in October 2000, when Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, Mr. Clinton’s top envoy, traveled to Pyongyang. Mr. Kim reportedly suffered a stroke last August, raising uncertainty about his health and the future of his regime.
Television footage from Pyongyang showed Mr. Clinton being greeted at the airport by North Korean officials including the chief nuclear negotiator Kim Kye-gwan and Yang Hyong-sop, the vice parliamentary speaker. The footage showed him smiling and bowing as a young girl presented him with flowers. Photographs released by North Korea showed Mr. Clinton sitting next to a thin, though not sickly looking, Mr. Kim.
The Obama administration had been considering for weeks whether to send a special envoy to North Korea. The visit by Mr. Clinton, even if officially a private effort, was clearly undertaken with the blessings of the White House, and marked his first diplomatic mission abroad on behalf of the administration. Mr. Clinton’s wife, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, has been deeply involved in the journalists’ case.
Mr. Clinton is the first former American president to travel to North Korea since 1994, when Jimmy Carter went to Pyongyang — with Mr. Clinton’s half-hearted blessing — to try to strike a deal to suspend the North’s nuclear work in return for concessions from the United States. Ultimately that led to a 1994 nuclear accord, which froze North Korea’s production of plutonium until the deal fell apart in 2002.
As president, Mr. Clinton was initially ambivalent about Mr. Carter’s intervention. But Mr. Carter’s trip also proved that a former president could break a logjam, and Mr. Clinton has some cards to play with the North. In December, 2000, the last days of his presidency, he came close to traveling to the country in hopes of striking a deal to contain North Korea’s missiles. Mr. Clinton ultimately decided not to go because the deal was not pre-cooked, and his advisers feared he would be appearing desperate for an end-of-presidency deal.
Relations with the North deteriorated rapidly under the Bush administration, with the North renouncing the 1994 nuclear agreement, harvesting enough plutonium for approximately eight nuclear weapons and conducting a nuclear test. Mr. Obama never had time to get talks off the ground with the North before it conducted a second nuclear test and terminated the one significant deal it struck with the Bush administration. It is in the process of restarting its main nuclear facility at Yongbyon.
It is not clear whether the timing is propitious for Mr. Clinton to revive the broader relationship, with Mr. Kim in failing health after a stroke last summer and the North Korean leadership facing an apparent succession struggle.
In fact, the jailing of Ms. Ling and Ms. Lee came amid a period of heightened tensions following the second nuclear device in May and the subsequent launchings of several ballistic missiles.
In recent months, the White House has marshaled support at the United Nations for strict sanctions against the North Korean government, including a halt to all weapons sales and a crackdown on its financial ties.
But the administration has tried to keep its diplomatic campaign separate from this case, which American officials have portrayed as a humanitarian issue, appealing to North Korea to return the women to their families.
“Their detainment is not something that we’ve linked to other issues, and we hope the North Koreans don’t do that, either,” Mr. Gibbs, the White House press secretary, said to reporters in June.

Too Lost

2009-07-06T11:30:00.002+09:00

Felt too lost; my vision gotten blurred that I cannot see things clearly; my judgement gotten dulled that no longer sharpened observations possible; and my sense of responsibility gotten numbed that no longer feel guilty even if seeing things falling apart right in front of my eyes. Over the weekend, suddenly my life has loosened from a usual grip of sense of duty, responsiblity, and morality that had ruled it for a long time. Guess last few weeks, I was just too busy and occupied even to realize what status I was in; but finally a sense of reality stroke me last night; I was too lost and am about to lose what really matters in life; for this I thank.

I need to stop and think; and I will.

Institute for Medicine and Human Rights

2009-07-03T10:11:00.005+09:00

The first ever in Korea, a medical doctor paid attention on the interrelations between medicine and human rights. When we think about this, there has been an apparent and obvious close relations between two; but we just didn't have much room in our minds to share such thoughts. When talking to victims of any sorts of violations, we often realized how deep and dangerous it is to have a post-traumatic symptoms much more so than just being hurt physically. They often wouldn't be able to sleep soundly for the rest of their lives. If the ones attempting to hear the physical wounds ignore the pain inside the victims, it would only be another assault rather than healing. To cut a long story short, I was glad to learn the news below this morning!

인권의학자 1호..국내 첫 전문연구소 4일 개소"인권클리닉 추진..의대생 가르치며 희망 느껴"(서울=연합뉴스) 김태균 기자 = "의료인이 인권까지 잘 안다면 어떻게 될까요? 병원에서 벌어지는 인권 침해나 차별이 줄고 인권 피해자를 의학적으로, 사회적으로 돕는 길이 열립니다."환자의 생명뿐만 아니라 인권도 지키려는 학문이 국내에선 아직 생소한 '인권의학'이다. 이 학문을 연구하고 전파하는 기관이 국내 처음 생긴다. 4일 인권의학연구소(IMHR)의 문을 여는 이화영(50.여.연세대 외래교수) 소장. 그는 3일 연합뉴스와의 인터뷰에서 "국가공권력 등의 폭력 때문에 몸과 마음을 다친 인권 피해자를 치료하는 '인권 클리닉'을 만들겠다"고 말했다. 종양내과 전문의인 이 소장은 미국 국립암센터에서 일하다 2003년 조지메이슨대 국제분쟁연구소 석사과정을 밟으며 처음 인권의학을 접했다. 팔레스타인 지역에서의 고문 사실을 폭로하고 피해자를 치료하던 의사들을 만났던 것. 미국과 유럽에서 인권운동을 하는 의료인을 찾아다니며 공부하다 귀국한 그는 '의사가 별걸 다한다'는 소리를 들으며 군사독재 시절의 고문 피해자를 치료하는 상담 모임에 참여하고 해외 인권의학 서적과 국제 규약서를 번역했다. "의사가 왜 인권을 알아야 하느냐는 질문은 지금도 많다"고 한다. 그는 고문을 당한 피해자는 정신적 외상(트라우마)이 심각한데 치료를 받으려 병원에 가면 제2의 정신적 상처를 받는 경우가 많다는 점을 강조했다. 그들이 당시 인권을 얼마나 심각하게 침해당했는지 몰라주는 의료진 때문이라는 게 이 소장의 진단이다. 이 소장의 꿈은 종합 병원에 인권 클리닉을 만드는 것이다. 이주 노동자나 학대 노인처럼 인간의 존엄성을 부정당한 이들을 육체적, 정신적으로 치유하는 종합 서비스가 가능하다는 이유에서다. 미 미네소타대 고문피해자치유센터(CVT) 등을 참고로 했다. 4일 문을 여는 IMHR은 인권 피해자 치유법을 교육하는 일을 하게 된다. 그는 "기존 인력을 재조직하는 만큼 추가 비용이 거의 없는데 인권 사업이 경쟁력에 도움이 된다고 보는 병원이 아직은 흔치 않아 계속 설득할 생각이다"고 했다. 이 소장은 연세대와 아주대 의대 본과생들에게 인권의학을 가르친다. 국내 의대에서 인권을 공부하는 유일한 자리로, 학생들과 모여 앉아 인권운동을 하는 활동가의 얘기를 듣고 현안을 토론한다. 그가 준 변화도 적지 않다. 방학 때 병원과 의학 연구소로만 인턴을 가던 의대생들이 그의 수업을 듣고 나서는 국가인권위원회와 국제 의료 NGO(비정부기구)로 발길을 돌린다는 것. 이 소장은 "내과와 정신과를 전공해 난민과 인권 피해자를 치료하고 싶다는 학생을 보면 교육이 희망이란 생각이 든다"고 했다. IMHR은 아직 규모가 작아 정치학과 법학을 전공한 상주 연구원 2명을 막 뽑았을 뿐이고, 사무 실무는 자원봉사자들에게 맡겨야 할 형편이다. 국내 첫 인권의학자로서 부담감을 느끼는지 묻자 그는 "의사로서 인권의학을 다룬 건 처음이겠지만 심리학 등 다른 분야에선 훨씬 예전부터 이런 개념을 얘기한 분이 많다"고 겸손해했다. 이 소장은 "IMHR이 인권의학을 실천하는 학자들과 시민단체 활동가들이 경험을 공유하는 자리가 됐으면 좋겠다"고 말했다. tae@yna.co.kr(끝)

6.25 (The Outbreak of the Korean War)

2009-06-24T21:51:00.002+09:00

BBC Documentary Film on US War Crimes during the Korean War

2009-06-10T15:49:00.002+09:00

Documentary "Kill 'Em All" by BBC concerning the American War Crimes during the Korea War. In September 1999 an investigative team from the Associated Press broke a story that shocked America. Fifty years before, they claimed, refugees caught up in the Korean War were shot and strafed by US forces.

Parts 1-5:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CQaCB-KmhGA&feature=channel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D9hAQG0h_4I&feature=channel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6rJcTklWhqI&feature=channel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q9l4N8mLkUQ&feature=channel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zFxqLaMic7M&feature=channel

Benazir Bhutto Interview

2009-06-04T11:29:00.002+09:00

A wonderful interview clip with Benazir Bhutto by CBC, a Canadian TV station. She is gone now, but it is worth of sharing it with my blog readers.

Benazir Bhutto Interview
August 7, 2007 (Runs 18:40)
Carol Off spoke with Benazir Bhutto about her plan to return to Pakistan and politics, and whether or not Pervez Musharraf could be counted on as an ally
play video

Message on the Twentieth Anniversary of Tiananmen Square

2009-06-04T09:35:00.002+09:00

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton issued a strong statement denouncing the Chinese government that has wrongfully detained, abducted, deported, and killed civilians in the course of the 6.4 Incident at the Tiananmen Square in 1989. We wish she would do the same for tragic incidents taken place here in Korea decades ago.

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Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
June 3, 2009

On this the 20th anniversary of the violent suppression of demonstrations in Tiananmen Square by Chinese authorities, we should remember the tragic loss of hundreds of innocent lives and reflect upon the meaning of the events that preceded that day.

Hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets for weeks, in Beijing and around the country, first to honor the late reformist leader Hu Yaobang and then to demand basic rights denied to them.

A China that has made enormous progress economically, and that is emerging to take its rightful place in global leadership, should examine openly the darker events of its past and provide a public accounting of those killed, detained or missing, both to learn and to heal.

This anniversary provides an opportunity for Chinese authorities to release from prison all those still serving sentences in connection with the events surrounding June 4, 1989. We urge China to cease the harassment of participants in the demonstrations and begin dialogue with the family members of victims, including the Tiananmen Mothers. China can honor the memory of that day by moving to give the rule of law, protection of internationally-recognized human rights, and democratic development the same priority as it has given to economic reform.

서울대 교수들 시국선언문

2009-06-03T16:52:00.002+09:00

이명박 대통령과 현 정부는 국민적 화합을 위해 민주주의의 큰 틀을 지켜나가야 한다

우리 국민은 누구나 전직 대통령의 비극적인 죽음 앞에서 큰 아픔을 겪고 있다. 그러나 전국 각지에 길게 늘어선 조문 행렬은 단지 애도와 추모의 물결만은 아니었다. 국민 한 사람 한 사람이 착잡하기 이를 길 없는 심경으로 나라의 앞날을 가슴속 깊이 걱정하는 모습이었다.

서로 다른 정치적 입장을 넘어서서 각계각층의 온 국민이 하나 되어 전직 대통령의 국민장을 치러낸 것을 계기로 우리 모두는 새로운 길을 열고 있으며 또 열어야만 한다.

지난 수십 년간 온갖 희생을 치러가며 이루어낸 민주주의가 어려움에 빠진 현 시국에 대해 우리들은 깊이 염려하고 있다. 작년 ‘촛불집회’에 참여한 일반 시민들에게까지 소환장이 남발되었고 온라인상의 활발한 의견교환과 여론수렴이 가로막혔으며, 이미 개정이 예고된 집회 관련 법안들의 독소조항도 시민사회의 강한 비판에 부딪히고 있다.

현 정부가 출범한 이후 언론의 자유와 독립성 또한 훼손되었다. 주요 방송사가 바람직하지 못한 갈등을 겪는가 하면, 국회에서 폭력사태까지 초래한 미디어 관련 법안들은 원만한 민주적 논의절차를 거쳤다고 말하기 어렵다. 여야의 동의로 지난 3월 미디어발전 국민위원회가 국민적 합의 도출을 위해 출범했지만, 여당 측 위원들이 회의 공개나 국민여론 수렴을 반대함으로써 위원회는 표류하고 있다. 국민 다수가 언론법 처리 강행 방침을 부정적으로 인식하는 최근의 여론조사 결과를 굳이 상기하지 않더라도, 이런 흐름은 민주주의의 기반인 언론의 자유를 허물어뜨리는 일이라 아니할 수 없다.

그 뿐 아니다. 현직 대법관의 ‘촛불집회’ 재판 개입 사건에서 보듯이, 현 정권은 사법부의 권위와 독립성에 대한 국민적 신뢰에 상처를 입혔으며, 그에 따라 재판의 독립을 수호하려는 전국 법관들의 반발을 불러일으키고 있다. 국민여론에 따라 일단 포기했던 ‘한반도 대운하’는 ‘4대강 살리기’로 탈바꿈하여 되살아나고 있으며, 지난 십여 년 동안 대북정책이 거둔 성과도 큰 위험에 처했다. 특수고용직 노동자가 목숨을 끊고 비정규직 노동자가 기본권 보장을 요구할 때 집회의 강제 해산과 노동자 대량연행과 구속으로 맞서는 일 또한 구시대적 대처임이 분명하다. 　

문제는 정치노선의 차이나 이념의 대립이 아니라 기본적인 인권 존중과 민주적 원칙의 실천이다. 모든 국민의 삶을 넉넉히 포용하는 열린 정치를 구현하는 정부의 노력이 참으로 절실한 시점이다.

그러나 안타깝게도 전직 대통령 관련 검찰 수사 과정 또한 이전 정권에 대한 정치보복의 의혹을 불러일으키기에 충분한 것이었다. 검찰은 국가원수를 지낸 이를 소환조사까지 했음에도 불구하고 이후 3주가 지나도록 사건 처리 방침을 명확히 밝히지 못하고 추가 비리 의혹을 언론에 흘림으로써 전직 대통령과 가족에게 견디기 힘든 인격적 모독을 집요하게 가했다. 이는 엄정한 공직자 비리 수사라고 하기 곤란하며 상식에서 벗어난 것이었다.

되돌아보면 지난 1월 용산 철거민 농성에 대한 무모한 진압으로 빚어진 참사는 올해 벌어질 갖가지 퇴행적 사건을 예고했다. 용산 참사의 희생자들은 아직 장례도 치르지 못하고 있으며, 검찰이 수사기록 중 핵심적인 대목의 공개를 거부함으로써 재판도 정상적으로 진행되지 못하고 있다. 지난 5월 22일 서울 서부지법 민사12부가 ‘도시 및 주거환경 정비법’이 “세입자의 재산권, 주거권, 인간다운 생활을 할 권리를 침해한다”며 위헌법률심판을 제청한 사실에 주목하면서 현 정부의 근본적인 자기 성찰을 기대한다.

이명박 대통령과 현 정부가 전직 대통령에 대한 범국민적 애도 속에 주어진 국민적 화해의 소중한 기회를 잘 살리고 국민의 뜻에 부응하기를 우리는 간절히 희망하며, 다음의 구체적 요구사항을 제시한다.

1. 이명박 대통령은 국정의 최고 책임자다. 이 대통령이 스스로 나서서 국민 각계각층과 소통하고 연대하는 정치를 선언해야 한다. 더불어 현 정부와 집권 여당은 다른 정당과 시민사회단체를 진심으로 국정의 동반자로서 받아들여야 한다.

1. 현 정부는 민주사회의 기본권인 ‘표현의 자유’, ‘집회와 결사의 자유’, ‘언론의 자유’를 보장해야 한다.

1. 현 정부는 전직 대통령 관련 검찰 수사의 문제점을 인정하고 사죄해야 하며, 정적이나 사회적 약자에게만 엄격한 검찰 수사에 대한 근본적 반성과 개선이 이루어져야 한다.

1. 현 정부는 용산 참사의 피해자에 대해 국민적 화합에 걸맞은 해결책을 제시하고, 경제 위기 하에서 더 큰 어려움에 처한 비정규직 노동자 등 소외계층의 요구에 귀를 기울이고 그들의 기본권을 보장해야 한다.

이명박 대통령과 현 집권층이 우리 국민 모두의 가슴에서 타오르고 있는 민주적 요구에 대해 진지하고 성의있게 대응함으로써 지금의 어려운 상황을 국민적 화합과 연대를 바탕으로 한 민주주의의 큰 길로 나아가는 전환점으로 삼을 것을 간곡히 바란다.

　2009. 6. 3.

　민주주의의 후퇴를 우려하는 서울대학교 교수 일동

　서명자 명단 (2009년 6월 3일)

　가나다 순 정리 (동명이인은 마지막에 나열하고 단과대 표시)

　강우성 강진호 계승혁 고철환 구명철 구인회 권태억 김길중 김도균 김빛내리 김상종 김세균 김영민 김용익 김월회 김유용 김인걸 김장주 김재범 김종욱 김종일 김진수 김춘수 김현균 김혜란 김효명 남동신 류재명 모경환 문중양 민은경 박경숙 박동열 박명규 박배균 박태균 박현섭 박흥식 박희병 방민호 배은경 배철현 백도명 변현태 봉준수 성노현 손영주 송석윤 신광현 신종호 심봉섭 안광석 안삼환 양동휴 양현아 오명석 오석배 오순희 오용록 우희종 유용태 윤순진 윤여창 윤여탁 윤제용 이강재 이건수 이경우 이병민 이성중 이성헌 이애주 이인호 이일하 이창숙 이철범 이현숙 이형목 임호준 임홍배 장덕진 장승일 전종익 전태원 정근식 정용욱 정원규 정향진 조국 조영남 조현설 조형택 조흥식 최갑수 최권행 최무영 최영찬 최윤영 한상진 한숭희 한영혜 한인섭 한정숙 허원기 홍기선 홍성욱 홍승권 홍재성 홍진호 황상익

　김명환(인문대) 김민수(미대) 김정욱(환경대학원) 김현진(인문대) 이건우(인문대) 이근(국제대학원) 이동수(환경대학원) 이상훈(사회대) 이용환(농생대) 이준호(자연대) 장진성(인문대) 전경수(사회대) 최병선(사회대) 최진영(사회대)

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　이상 124명

Amnesty International Sees S. Korea’s Human Rights Backpedaling

2009-06-03T13:09:00.003+09:00

Riot police used excessive force when dispersing largely peaceful protesters demonstrating against US beef imports. Large numbers of irregular migrants were deported amid reports of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment during arrest. There was heightened concern about freedoms of expression, assembly and association of protesters, unionists and journalists. No executions took place but 58 people remained on death row. The Special Bill to Abolish the Death Penalty lapsed in March.

Excessive use of force
Candlelight protests against the resumption of US beef imports attracted tens of thousands of people and took place almost daily from May to early July. During the largely peaceful protests some police beat protesters with shields and batons, fired water cannons at close range and denied medical care to protesters in detention. Protesters suffered injuries such as broken bones, concussion, temporary blindness and punctured eardrums.

"Police imprisoned at least 408 conscientious objectors, mostly Jehovah’s Witnesses..."

Migrants’ rights
In September, the government announced its intention to deport approximately half of irregular migrant workers, an estimated 220,000 people, by 2012. There was a growing number of cases of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of migrant workers during arrests in the ongoing crackdown.

In November, about 280 immigration officials and police raided factories and dormitories in Maseok, Gyeonggi province, where at least 110 regular and irregular migrant workers were indiscriminately apprehended en masse. One female migrant worker was not permitted to go to the toilet, but was instead forced to urinate in public. One male migrant worker broke his leg when he tried to escape, after which he was handcuffed and made to wait five hours before being allowed to go to hospital.
In May, the government deported Torna Limbu, a Nepalese national, and Abdus Sabur, a Bangladeshi national, president and vice-president respectively of the Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade Union (MTU), despite a call from the National Human Rights Commission for a stay of deportation until it could investigate allegations of beatings by immigration officials during their arrests. There were concerns that the two men were targeted specifically because of their union activities.
Freedom of expression, assembly and association
Labour movement
According to the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, irregular employment protests occurred at more than 30 different factories. Security forces used excessive force against striking irregular workers, who were protesting because they received less pay than regular workers for equal work. They also faced losing their jobs after two years so that their employers could avoid regularizing their status in line with the 2007 Contract Based Employment Law.

Media independence
The chief executives and presidents of the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS), Korean Broadcasting Advertising Corporation, Arirang TV, Sky Life and Yonhap Television Network (YTN) were replaced by supporters of the government.

Protests against the appointment of the new YTN president Ku Bon-hong, a former aide to President Lee Myung-bak, resulted in Ku Bon-hong suing 12 trade union journalists and firing six journalists for “interfering with business”.
Conscientious objectors
Police imprisoned at least 408 conscientious objectors, mostly Jehovah’s Witnesses, for refusing compulsory military service. This significant drop in numbers compared to the 733 imprisoned in 2007 was largely because cases were not heard ahead of plans to introduce an alternative to military service in 2009. However, in December the Ministry of Defence put the plans on hold due to lack of public support.

Lee Gil-joon, a conscripted riot police officer was sentenced to one and a half years in prison for failure to return to duty and disobeying orders because he opposed using violence to disperse demonstrators during the candlelight protests.
Arbitrary arrests and detentions – National Security Law

2008 celebration event on the World Day Against DP,10 Oct.© Amnesty International2008 marked 60 years since the National Security Law (NSL) was introduced. As of December, there were at least nine detained individuals charged under the vague provisions of the NSL.

On 26 August, police arrested seven activists from the Socialist Workers League of Korea, including a university professor, Oh Se-chul, for violating article three (forming anti-state groups) and article seven (praising or sympathizing with anti-state groups) of the NSL. Seoul Central District Court rejected the arrest warrants submitted by the prosecutor’s office on grounds of insufficient evidence. On 14 October, police re-submitted the arrest warrant for Professor Oh, but it was again rejected by the court due to lack of evidence.
Refugees and asylum-seekers
A total of 364 applications for refugee status were submitted in 2008. Thirty-six people were granted refugee status and 22 were given humanitarian protection. Seventy-nine applications were rejected. Serious concerns were raised about the lack of resources in immigration offices as the backlog of asylum claims reached over 1,200 cases.

Violence against women and girls
In January, President-elect Lee Myung-bak said he would not call on Japan to apologize for its wartime atrocities.

In October, the South Korean parliament passed a resolution calling for justice for the survivors of Japan’s military sexual slavery system during World War II.

Death penalty
South Korea’s unofficial moratorium on executions continued. Fifty-eight prisoners were on death row at the end of the year. The Special Bill to Abolish the Death Penalty lapsed in March. Two new bills on the abolition of the death penalty were introduced in the National Assembly.

See more for the AI Reports on the policing the candlelight protests by the Korean government. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ASA25/008/2008/en

Amnesty Sees S. Korea’s Human Rights Backpedaling

By Park Si-soo
Staff Reporter

South Korea has been backpedaling on human rights regarding expression of opinion, assembly and association under the Lee Myung-bak administration, Amnesty International said Tuesday.

The world's largest human rights watchdog urged the government to remove all measures restricting such rights to maintain Seoul's leadership in human rights protection in the Asia-Pacific region.

``Some policies and measures restricting human rights have commonly been found in prior administrations. However, our concern over, in particular, the right of expression, assembly and association under the current government is higher than ever before,'' said Go Eun-tae, chairman of Amnesty International's Seoul bureau, at a press conference. ``We reached this conclusion after reviewing our past human rights reports.''

It expressed grave concern over the increasing use of force by police in cracking down on demonstrators.

``In recent rallies, police recklessly assaulted and detained non-violent demonstrators and even innocent civilians. Some were injured. But police have not taken any responsibility for that,'' said Kim Hee-jin, director of the human rights group. ``It seems that police have lost their sense of responsibility.''

Kim denounced the police's recent decision to prohibit civic groups with records of hosting unauthorized rallies from taking any collective action. ``It's an arbitrary decision and apparently infringes upon people's freedom of expression, protected under the Constitution,'' Kim said.

She said South Korea's freedom of the press was also in jeopardy as the government has tried to muzzle media outlets critical of the administration by replacing their chief executives with supporters of President Lee.

Earlier this year, chief executives and presidents of the Korea Broadcasting System (KBS), Arirang TV, and Yonhap Television Network (YTN) were replaced by President Lee's supporters.

In replacing YTN's top job, 12 trade union journalists and six YTN journalists were sued or fired for their protests against the appointment of Ku Bon-hong as YTN president.

It added that freedom of expression in cyberspace was also under attack.

``The arrest of blogger Minerva proves it,'' Kim said. ``Even though he was acquitted at trial, we are concerning about similar cases in the future.''

Internet blogger Park Dae-sung, better known as Minerva, was indicted on charges of causing financial loss to the government by spreading unconfirmed information online.

pss@koreatimes.co.kr

Professors Demand No Rollback on Democracy
http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2009/06/117_46122.html
By Bae Ji-sook
Staff Reporter

For the first time in more than five years, professors are moving to issue a statement to press for furthering democracy.

About 100 professors of Seoul National University will issue a joint statement today to denounce the Lee Myung-bak administration for what they call backtracking on democratic rights.

They will urge the Lee administration to change the framework of its policies as ``democracy has reached a point where it cannot become worse.'' They condemned the administration's ``excessive suppression of the media and the oppression of public voices.''

It is the first such announcement in five years since they publicly opposed a lawmakers move to impeach former President Roh Moo-hyun in 2004.

It was quite common during the authoritarian Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan administrations in the 1970s and early 1980s for professors, opinion leaders and religious leaders to press for democracy.

The announcement will mainly be a request to the government to ``respect full democracy,'' including permission for public political gatherings and guaranteeing the ``independence of the press from political or chaebol'' influence.

Prof. Lee Joon-ho noted that the Lee administration has been indifferent about pressing the issues necessary for national harmony.

``During the past liberal administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, we enjoyed freedom of expression. But we don't anymore,'' he said. ``Of course it is a bit of a scary situation. The prosecution has even hauled away critical TV program directors. Now we can no longer tolerate the arbitrary questioning,'' Lee said.

Lee says that the present administration needs to make changes to its policies that may run counter to a fuller democracy.

Police blocked Seoul Plaza to prevent illegal gatherings and have torn down memorial alter to the late former President Roh installed in central Seoul, a move which drew immense public criticism.

The professor said there are more professors critical of the administration's policy on democracy and human rights. ``Even some conservative people told me that it is the time to make some changes,'' he said.

Professors at other universities are likely to issue the same statement to press the government not to backpedal on the country's hard fought-for democracy.

bjs@koreatimes.co.kr

The power of presidential restraint

2009-06-03T09:44:00.002+09:00

It is kind of hard to comprehend what he exactly wanted to point out here; was it that Truman made a good decision not to use nukes to end the Korean War and instead made it "a forgotten war" and set a nuke-restraint international convention; or it wasn't a good decision not to use it, since it didn't quite contribute the "US War Economy"?

By James Carroll | June 1, 2009

KOREA saved us - but you wouldn't think so today. Pyongyang's second nuclear test, followed by multiple rocket launches, and its repudiation of a decades-old armistice with South Korea are generating international consternation. The Obama administration's important nuclear reduction initiatives may be undercut, together with its hopes for blunting Iran's nuclear ambition. China, Taiwan, and Japan all face unexpected pressures. South Korea's "sunshine policy" of seeking accommodations with North Korea is all but dead - along with its main architect, former president Roh Moo Hyun, who committed suicide last week.

In America, the Korean War is sometimes referred to as "the forgotten war," but these events show that the most forgotten thing of all is that the war never ended. That a civil war on a peninsula in Northeast Asia so ensnared the United States - with more than 30,000 GI's stuck in its amber to this day - is now commonly taken as a Cold War mistake. The mirror-image mistake a decade later was US intervention in a second civil war on an Asian peninsula - Vietnam.

The critique of Korea is familiar. Only months before North Korean forces crossed the 38th parallel into South Korea in June 1950, Secretary of State Dean Acheson had declared Korea to be outside "the defense perimeter" of US national security, yet he led the charge to join the conflict. Pentagon leaders warned against "a land war in Asia," but President Truman followed Acheson. The United States, under cover of the United Nations, went to war, scuttling once and for all the post-World War II movement to demilitarize America. Instead, the US defense budget jumped from $13 billion in 1951 to $50 billion in 1953; the US nuclear arsenal grew from 300 bombs in 1950 to 1,300 bombs in 1953. Welcoming the "permanent war economy," Acheson said, "Korea saved us." Cold War critics have decried this turn in history ever since.

But there is another, less noted - more authentic - way that Korea saved us. At first, General Douglas MacArthur led a brilliant offensive against the North Koreans, driving them back across the parallel and ever closer to the Yalu River, the Chinese border. Then China stunned MacArthur, in November 1950, by sending hundreds of thousands of its soldiers across the river - a "Chicom" rout of Yanks.

MacArthur retreated down much of the peninsula, warning Washington of a coming American Dunkirk, a desperate evacuation of troops by sea. MacArthur demanded that Truman authorize use of atomic weapons in battle. The Air Force chief of staff, General Hoyt Vandenberg, proposed a preemptive nuclear attack against the Soviet Union. Truman later wrote, "I could not bring myself to order the slaughter of 25,000,000 non-combatants . . . I just could not make the order for a Third World War." Truman said no to MacArthur, the beginning of the famous dispute that would lead to the general's dismissal the following April.

American troops valiantly hung on, finally clawing their way back up to the 38th parallel. Truman chose to abandon victory rather than order total war. The resulting stalemate defines the problem between North and South Korea to this day. But in the forgotten war, Truman's refusal to order the use of atomic weapons is, except to a handful of historians, the forgotten decision. Its impact has been as permanent as it has been underappreciated, for the effect of Truman's rejection of the atomic bomb at that moment of extremity - America facing the worst defeat in its history - was to establish a taboo against nuclear use that has lasted all these years. That the president who ordered the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, when it was militarily dubious to do so, was the one to reject the atomic bombing of enemy forces in Korea, when it seemed militarily essential to do so, made the point. Because Washington did not use atomic weapons when, with relatively little danger to itself, it could have, other nuclear powers joined in regarding the use of these weapons as beyond the pale. If Truman had chosen otherwise, whether "successfully" or not, there can be little doubt that nuclear weapons would have been used again, and probably again, until . . .

This unsung story of presidential restraint has profound relevance for the present crisis.

James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.

Circle of Life

2009-06-01T22:40:00.002+09:00

Hear my stories over the last weekend.

Saturday started with attending the wedding of one of my friends. Fooled by his luring persuasion, I truly expected to encounter unresistable bunch of hunks at the wedding. Puhhhzzz,, I've seen better. At the wedding, I called a friend who also was supposed to show but not; to everyone's surprise, she said her mom is critically ill with leukemia and she is with her at an emergency room. So, soon after the wedding, I went to see her at her apartment. She seemed calm and in control; so I relieved.

Then, on Sunday morning, I got a call from THE friend saying her mom passed away; I felt blown up by a storm; but amazingly her voice was still so serene, so I also calmed down. Passing on my condolesence, I said how sorry I am as well as how sudden it was to face her mom's death; she certainly didn't expect a day before when I talked to her in front of her apartment.

Learning the saddened news, I thought it's better to share it with other friends, just to split some burden on my friend. Then, one of our mutual friend called. He said he unlikely attends her mom's funeral since his wife is in labor.

Within a span of 48 hours, I realized once again; the circle of life. People breed, die, and are born again. We are born capable of finding joys in the saddest events and passing on our genes to survive; we've been doing it for tens of thousands of years; why shouldn't we do now?

I, once again, give my great condolecense to my friend's loss.

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From the day we arrive on the planet
And blinking, step into the sun
There's more to see than can ever be seen
More to do than can ever be done
There's far too much to take in here
More to find than can ever be found
But the sun rolling high
Through the sapphire sky
Keeps great and small on the endless round

It's the Circle of Life
And it moves us all
Through despair and hope
Through faith and love
Till we find our place
On the path unwinding
In the Circle
The Circle of Life

It's the Circle of Life
And it moves us all
Through despair and hope
Through faith and love
Till we find our place
On the path unwinding
In the Circle
The Circle of Life

Paying Tribute to Korea's Democracy

2009-05-26T09:59:00.004+09:00

Joined the endless queue of people awaited for paying tribute to now the deceased former president of South Korea, Roh Moo-hyun. After standing on the pedestrian road approximately three hours, finally the temporarily set altar appeared through the crowd. Strange mixture of emotions whipped around the people; overwhelming grief was interrupted by an occasional complaints towards surrounding riot police forces, and so did the tension rise. Strange enough, there were also a drop of festive mood; street musicians playing instruments of which sound deeply surmerged into saddened hearts of thousands of the crowd, tired from the hours of standing in a hot Indian summer night, fighting mosquitoes. Volunteers were busy cleaning up the area, maintaining an order, and delivering a cup of cold water, Kimbap and chrysanthemuns to the crowd. As the darkness came, people gradually lit up candles. The scene was peaceful and even beautiful to observe. Still though, on the way home, complaints politically charged and directly aiming at the crowd pierced through the air. Tension existed so did chances to communicate.

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May 26, 2009
South Korea’s President Faces Dual Crises
By CHOE SANG-HUN
SEOUL, South Korea — President Lee Myung-bak of South Korea faced double crises on Monday as a North Korean nuclear test caught his government off-guard and he struggled to soothe political rancor over the suicide of his predecessor, Roh Moo-hyun.

In one of the biggest outpourings of national grief in years, the central and provincial governments and religious and civic groups opened 300 mourning centers across the country on Monday. Long lines of Cabinet ministers and ordinary citizens streamed into the centers to pay respects to Mr. Roh. About 180,000 mourners have journeyed to Mr. Roh’s rural home village of Bongha on the south coast alone.

The country’s major Web sites have posted a black-and-white photo of Mr. Roh and created special sections to permit hundreds of thousands of citizens to post their condolences.

The former president jumped off a cliff on Saturday as prosecutors investigated allegations that he and his family took $6.4 million from a businessman.

Many South Koreans said they believe that Mr. Roh, whether guilty or not, was driven to end his life because of relentless pressure from a politically motivated investigation orchestrated by the government of President Lee.

“He is the victim of the vicious circle of an incumbent president strengthening his political hand by relentlessly shaming and trampling on his predecessor in our country,” Yang Chun-shik, a 35-year-old office worker, said Monday, reflecting a common view shared by mourners interviewed Sunday and Monday.

Mr. Lee must decide whether to accept the Roh family’s wish to hold his funeral on Friday in central Seoul. That would certainly draw a huge crowd and could turn into an anti-government protest similar to demonstrations that crippled Mr. Lee’s government for weeks last summer.

In a sign of simmering tension, Mr. Roh’s supporters continued to turn away ruling-party lawmakers who travelled to Bongha to pay tribute.

As he struggled over how to prevent Mr. Roh’s funeral from developing into another crisis, Mr. Lee also faced the news Monday that North Korea had conducted its second nuclear test.

Earlier Monday, North Korean leader Kim Jong-il had expressed “profound condolences” to Mr. Roh’s widow, Kwon Yang-sook, but gave the Seoul government no hint of the nuclear test.

Mr. Roh, who sought reconciliation with North Korea while in office from 2003 to 2008, traveled to Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, in 2007 for a landmark summit with Mr. Kim. But inter-Korean ties chilled dramatically after Mr. Lee took office in February 2008, promising a tougher policy on the North.

Recriminations and Regrets Follow Suicide of South Korean President Roh

2009-05-25T14:48:00.003+09:00

May 25, 2009
By MARTIN FACKLER
SEOUL, South Korea — As South Koreans laid white chrysanthemums at makeshift memorials for their former president, Roh Moo-hyun, many said Sunday that the once-popular champion of clean government had been driven to suicide by more than humiliating bribery allegations.

They directed much of their ire at the prosecutors and conservative media who relentlessly pursued the accusations of corruption against Mr. Roh and his family. Many accused the current president, Lee Myung-bak, of orchestrating the investigation, a move that could become a political liability for him.

Others expressed deeper misgivings that Mr. Roh was a victim of the legacies of South Korea’s authoritarian past — most notably the near ritual of incumbent presidents presiding over investigations of their predecessors.

“It has become a bad political habit for presidents in South Korea to try to gain support by punishing the former president,” said Kang Won-taek, a politics professor at Seoul’s Soongsil University. “What happened to Roh Moo-hyun shows that it is time to break this habit.”

The tendency to define a presidency by the failings of the one that came before took root as the country struggled to redefine itself in the early 1990s as a young democracy after years of dictatorships. Many Koreans were exhilarated as the first democratically elected governments punished the men who had resisted democracy for so long.

The sight of former President Chun Doo-hwan — a military ruler blamed for a crackdown of pre-democracy protesters that ended in 200 deaths — being paraded in a prison jumpsuit proved cathartic for the nation.

But political experts, and even many average Koreans, say that their nation’s struggle to shed its authoritarian past was never finished, and that investigation of Mr. Roh highlighted at least two other legacies: a powerful presidency and a justice system with few checks and balances, especially on its prosecutors.

At least so far, the subject of Mr. Roh’s culpability has been put aside, overwhelmed by the shock and sadness over his dramatic death on Saturday, when he threw himself off a cliff. In the weeks before that, he acknowledged that a businessman who supported him had given more than $6 million to his wife and son and his brother’s son-in-law while he was in office, but he denied that they were bribes. He said he did not know about the transactions until he left office.

The money for his wife had been used to pay for his son’s tuition at Stanford University, among other things, according to a top aide. In a country where education is key to social status, Mr. Roh, a self-educated lawyer, never won full respect from many people, despite having become a lawyer and the leader of a powerful economy.

Much of the outpouring of public anger since Mr. Roh’s death has focused on the murky ties between the Blue House, as the president’s office is called, and the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which led the investigation into Mr. Roh and other former presidents. These suspicions are also a hangover from the pre-democracy days, when prosecutors were seen as military henchmen, using the legal system to attack their political opponents.

“The prosecutors have become the most omnipotent force in Korean society today,” said Moon Chung-in, a political scientist at Yonsei University in Seoul and former adviser to Mr. Roh. “Their strength is a legacy of dictatorship that still affects us.”

Mr. Moon said that Mr. Roh actually ended up strengthening the power of prosecutors by weakening one check on their power: the National Intelligence Service, the South Korean spy service used by military rulers against South Korea’s citizens. Mr. Roh appointed a former human rights lawyer as its director and curtailed many of its internal surveillance activities.

Mr. Roh also tried to rein in the prosecutors, but with less success. Though he weakened links between prosecutors and the Blue House, he failed to pass some of their powers to the police or create grand juries to oversee investigations.

In 2003, his first year in office, Mr. Roh also held a widely watched public debate with 10 prosecutors in which he called the prosecutors office a “powerful organization” that the Justice Ministry had “failed to rein in.”

Mr. Roh also came to office with promises to break the cycle of corruption that has plagued South Korean presidents, and made them vulnerable to investigation. He also vowed to curtail the powers of South Korea’s presidency and sever its links with the country’s “chaebol,” or big-business conglomerates.

Mr. Roh’s death unleashed a renewed wave of sympathy for a former president who had alienated many supporters by signing a free-trade agreement with the United States and seeming to bungle economic policy.

Many of the thousands who turned out at makeshift altars in front of an ancient palace in central Seoul seemed to feel that Mr. Roh had paid too high a price for a relatively petty infraction.

Many noted that Mr. Chun and his successor as president, Roh Tae-woo, were found guilty of accepting hundreds of millions of dollars of bribes while in office. Sons of the first two civilian presidents of the era, Kim Young-san and Kim Dae-jung, were also imprisoned for pocketing millions of dollars from large companies.

The mourners lashed out at the prosecutors and the conservative media who had relentlessly pursued accusations of corruption for the past year, after Mr. Roh had left office. Most also accused the sitting president, Mr. Lee, of guiding or at least encouraging the investigations. In Mr. Roh’s native village, Bongha, his supporters trampled a funeral wreath sent by the president.

“President Roh was not just another corrupt president. He was different,” said Lee Dong-joon, 31, an insurance planner. “But Lee Myung-bak is acting the same as the dictators. Our democracy has been set back 30 years.”

The former president, who had prided himself on being above South Korea’s corruption, could no longer eat or focus on his favorite pastime of late-night reading, said aides. In his suicide note, Mr. Roh apologized for disappointing supporters.

Political scientists said the suicide could cause a backlash against President Lee or even the prosecutors. Mr. Moon, the former Roh adviser, said the National Assembly might formally investigate the prosecutors, and the apparent press leaks of questionable allegations, which increased the pressure on Mr. Roh.

“Let’s see if this breaks the cycle of political vendettas” against former presidents, Mr. Moon said. “But we won’t know for sure if the vendettas are over until 2012, when Lee Myung-bak steps down.” Some supporters who gathered in Seoul said they thought the opposite would happen: that Mr. Roh’s suicide almost guaranteed that the current president would also face similar attacks once he leaves office.

South Korea on Edge After Ex-President's Suicide

2009-05-25T08:33:00.003+09:00

Woken up in a Saturday morning by a shocking news of a former leader's death, people in this country still find difficult to realize he is truly gone. We are still in awe and speechless for the great loss we have. The whole country is turned into an enormous mourning place, where no one is able to find words to describe the deepest sorrow of loosing a leader who they elected with their own hands and also now about to bury. State of awe continues, Korea is submerged with the silence.

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May 25, 2009

By CHOE SANG-HUN
SEOUL — Thousands of South Koreans — some holding the hands of children, some shouting anti-government slogans, all carrying white chrysanthemums — flocked to central Seoul on Sunday to bid farewell to former President Roh Moo-hyun, who committed suicide Saturday.

In a country where even the most prominent political leaders have faced corruption charges in recent decades, Mr. Roh, 62, was the first to end his own life while under investigation. For both his supporters and detractors, his suicide served as a painful reminder of how difficult it remained to break the chain of graft in South Korean society.

“We are sorry we failed to protect you,” read many of the numerous yellow ribbons near the ancient Deoksu Palace in Seoul, hung by people who believed Mr. Roh was the victim of political vendetta from his successor, President Lee Myung-bak. “We will remember you forever. History will know that you were the cleanest president we ever had,” others said.

Before dawn Saturday, Mr. Roh switched on his computer and typed a suicide note — his last comment on a corruption scandal that threatened to undo his proudest legacy: his record as an upstanding political leader.

“Don’t be too sad,” Mr. Roh said in the note, meant for his wife and two children. “Life and death are all parts of nature. Don’t be sorry. Don’t blame anyone. Accept it as fate.”

An hour and a half later, as the sun rose through a cloudy sky, Mr. Roh climbed a hill overlooking his native village of Bongha, on the south coast, and jumped off a cliff.

On Sunday, South Koreans across the country lined up — for hours under drizzling rain in some places — to pay respect at temporary mourning altars set up in the retirement village of Bongha.

Central Seoul was thick with police officers in full riot gear, a sign that Mr. Roh, even after death, remained a volatile figure.

On Sunday, the government and Mr. Roh’s family agreed to hold a state “people’s funeral” Friday.

But tension also simmered as Mr. Roh’s suicide threatened to deepen a political divide. His supporters trampled on a funeral wreath donated by his successor, President Lee Myung-bak, and turned away his deputy, Prime Minister Han Seung-soo, who came to pay tribute at Bongha.

Past midnight Sunday, young people holding candles still stood in lines hundreds of meters long and snaking around the Deoksu Palace. People signed a petition calling on Parliament to impeach Mr. Lee for “murder.” Police buses surrounding the mourning site were plastered with paper messages denouncing Mr. Lee and prosecutors.

In his last months, Mr. Roh, who was president from 2003 to 2008, had seen his personal achievements clouded by accusations of corruption and many of his political accomplishments undone.

The corruption charges faced by Mr. Roh’s family were minor compared with those that had discredited some of his predecessors, who had collected massive sums from the nation’s top conglomerates. But prosecutors, long accused of taking orders from whomever is in power, aggressively went after Mr. Roh, leaking details of their investigation to the media. Mr. Roh killed himself a day before his wife, Kwon Yang-sook, was expected to be summoned for questioning for a second time.

“He was driven to kill himself for taking some money from a long-time supporter, while those who robbed big businesses of truckloads of cash are still alive without shame,” said Choi Chul-kyu, a 48-year-old mourner holding a candle, referring to former conservative political leaders convicted of bribery. “How am I going to explain this to my children? How am I going to explain the fact that every president in this country has wanted to squash his predecessor?”

But those who were close to Mr. Roh said the charges were especially painful because he had made his name as a “clean” politician, refusing to follow in the path of his predecessors; every former South Korean president since the 1980s has faced corruption accusations or gone to prison on such charges after his term was over.

In recent weeks, Mr. Roh acknowledged that a little-known businessman who supported him had given more than $6 million to his wife and son and his brother’s son-in-law while he was in office, but he denied the payments were bribes. He said that he did not know about the transactions until he left office and that the money for his wife went to pay a debt.

While in office, Mr. Roh survived an impeachment and even confessed to being “sick and tired of being president.” But masked by such frankness and feistiness was a sensitive leader who took criticism personally, engaged in a vicious, prolonged battle with the nation’s conservative media, and appeared to consider real-life politics, which haunted him even in retirement, too messy for his character and too much to take.

“There was not a single quiet day while he was in office,” said Choi Jin, head of the Institute of Presidential Leadership. “Throughout his life, he always made extreme choices, playing an all-or-nothing game. His suicide was the last explosion in his fiery and volcanic career.”

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Google Korea Head Blasts Real-Name Requirement

2009-04-23T09:32:00.004+09:00

Korea's Communication Privacy Law, is it beneficiary for whom?

By Kim Tong-hyung
Staff Reporter

The head of Google's South Korean operations blasted the government's recent attempt to limit anonymity on the Web.

``Our business is based on thinking from the user's point of view, and we believe that the real-name requirements do not benefit users in any way and do not contribute to creating a vibrant Internet culture,'' said Lee Won-jin, the managing director of Google Korea in Seoul Wednesday.

``In any country, Google intends to respect the local law and do business within its boundaries. However, since the Internet renders geography irrelevant, it is sometimes difficult to define how far the law of a certain country should extend.

``For services that are not customized or launched particularly for Korean users, we believe it would be better to make our judgments based on moral principles, rather than local law.''

The country has obliged Internet users to make verifiable real-name registrations to post comments on Web sites with more than 100,000 daily visitors since April.

Google, which is reluctant to bend its principles only for Korea and set a precedent that might affect its business in other countries, chose to avoid the requirements by disabling users from uploading videos and comments on the Korean language site of YouTube (kr.youtube.com), its online video service.

However, since the changes are only applied to YouTube's Korean sites, users could easily upload content by setting their country preference to other countries.

This has clearly miffed the Korea Communications Commission (KCC), the country's broadcasting and telecommunications regulator, with KCC chairman Choi See-joong threatening a review of whether Google is violating the local law with its YouTube decision.

Choi's stance, apparently affected by the sentiment within Cheong Wa Dae and the ruling Grand National Party (GNP), differed from the initial response by lower-ranked KCC officials, who had been saying YouTube's Korean site wouldn't be subject to the real-name requirements if content uploading is blocked.

Lee, who said the company is talking with KCC officials, stressed that Google's decision to limit YouTube's Korean site represents its commitment to abide by local laws. Google had no discussions with KCC officials before making the YouTube decision, because ``we didn't think there was any need to do so,'' Lee said.

``YouTube is subject to Korean law, because we have launched a localized service,'' Lee said.

``I can't talk about what will happen with our future services, but if we are pressed to make another decision about real-name registration, I believe we will have no other option but to repeat what we did with YouTube.''

The Lee Myung-bak government has been looking at more ways to monitor the Internet, after being repeatedly attacked by bloggers, first for its controversial decision to resume U.S. beef imports and more recently for its supposed ineptitude in economic policies.

The latest attempt comes from the efforts by GNP lawmakers to rewrite the communication privacy law and allow authorities further power to observe and track Web browsing habits.

According to the bill, law enforcement authorities get expended surveillance power beyond fixed-line telephone calls and are enabled to intercept mobile phone and Internet communications, which include e-mail, chats and voice over Internet protocol (VoIP) calls.

Lee revealed that the company received about 10 requests from Korean investigators last year to hand over the e-mail records of some Korean users of Gmail, Google's e-mail services.

However, Google refused to oblige, arguing that Gmail services are based on servers in the U.S. Despite the possible legal changes here, Lee said Gmail wouldn't become anymore vulnerable to surveillance.

``Gmail is not a service developed for Korean users, and a localized version wasn't launched either,'' Lee said.

``As in any country, we will decide our level of cooperation with local investigators following our judgment of the matter at hand, and considering both the Korean law and our principles.''

Google Korea doesn't operate any servers here for its local services, according to company officials, as even the server for its Korean digital map services is operated by a partner company.

thkim@koreatimes.co.kr

Reverend Gustav Schultz Scholarship by UB Berkeley Korean Alumnae

2009-04-10T09:30:00.002+09:00

UC Berkeley's Korean alumnae established a scholarship fund to pay a tribute to the deceased Reverend Gustav Schultz who served the University Lutheran Chapel congregation from 1969 to 1999. The Reverend Schultz led campaigns appealing international alliance concerning Korea's democritization in 1980s.

<버클리대 한인동문 美목사 추모 장학기금 설립>

(샌프란시스코=연합뉴스) 김성용 특파원 = 미국 서부의 명문 버클리 캘리포니아대(UC) 한국계 동문들과 재학생들이 1980년대 한국 민주화 운동 및 평화적 통일 운동에 기여해 온 것으로 알려진 미국인 목사 고(故) 구스타프 슐츠를 기리기 위한 기금을 설립했다.

9일 버클리대 홈페이지에 따르면 한국계 동문과 재학생들은 지난해 12월 `슐츠 목사 기념 장학기금'을 설립하기로 버클리대 측과 약정을 맺었으며 이르면 올해부터 국제 평화 활동에 공헌한 버클리대 학생에게 국적을 불문하고 장학금을 주기로 했다.

캘리포니아주 버클리에 위치한 `유니버시티 루터파 교회' 등에서 재직해 오다 2년 전 숨진 슐츠 목사는 1980년대 한국의 민주화 운동에 대한 국제적 지원을 호소하는 캠페인을 벌이고 김대중 전대통령에 대한 구명 운동에 참여해 주목받았다.

그는 한국 민주화 운동을 지원해 온 공로를 인정받아 1988년 김 전대통령 취임식에 직접 초청돼 참석했고 남북한 관계자들을 미국으로 함께 초청, 평화적 통일을 주제로 한 포럼을 주최하는 등 한반도 평화에 많은 관심을 기울였다.

슐츠 목사는 한반도 문제 뿐 아니라 남미 등지의 민주화 운동과 빈민 퇴치 운동에 기여한 공로로 버클리 평화상을 받기도 했다.

ksy@yna.co.kr

A new non-standing commissioner of the TRC, appointed by the current ROK president.

2009-04-08T12:31:00.004+09:00

Below is the interview of Kyu-hyung KANG, a new non-standing commissioner of the ROK's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, opposing the abolition of death penalty with such absurd backing reasonings. Following the forcible downsize of the nation's human rights commission, the change of high positions in other human rights related governmental organizations implicates many.

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장면 1. 1961년 12월 예루살렘의 법정에서 열린 세기의 재판. ‘국가에 의한 살인’이라는 이유로 사형이 금지된 이스라엘에서 비밀경찰 모사드가 납치한 유대인 학살범 카를 아돌프 아이히만에게 사형이 선고됐다. 죄목은 반인륜범죄. 다음 해 교수형이 집행됐다.

장면 2. 1988년 미국 대통령 선거의 첫 TV토론. 유명 앵커 버나드 쇼는 사형 제도를 반대하는 민주당 대통령 후보 마이클 듀카키스 매사추세츠 주지사에게 도발적인 질문을 던졌다. “당신의 부인이 강간당하고 살해돼도 그 범인에 대한 사형을 반대하시렵니까?” 당황한 듀카키스는 답변을 제대로 못했다.

장면 3. 역시 1988년 선거전. 인기도에서 뒤지던 공화당 대통령 후보 조지 부시 측은 매사추세츠 주의 무기수인 흉악범 윌리 호턴이 인도적 취지에서 휴가를 나온 사이 몇 차례의 강간, 무장 강도를 저지른 사실을 간파하고 ‘민주당 대통령 후보 듀카키스, 부통령 후보 호턴’이라는 선거 구호를 만들어 사용했다. 듀카키스는 이러한 휴가 제도의 지지자였다. 이 선거전에서 부시는 무난한 승리를 거뒀는데 그 이유 중 하나가 ‘범죄에 온정적인 듀카키스’라는 이미지였다.

재작년 정기국회 때 국회의원 상당수가 사형제 폐지안을 발의했고 국가인권위원회도 폐지 쪽으로 의견을 모아 가고 있다. 여기에 대해 법무부는 작년 중순 사형제 폐지안을 반박하는 검토 보고서를 제출했다. 그러나 21일 법무부는 돌연 사형제 폐지를 긍정적으로 검토하겠다고 밝히면서 국회에 계류 중인 사형폐지법안 심의를 지원해 나갈 방침이라 한다. 하지만 이 사안은 이렇게 쉽게 결정될 수 있는 문제가 아니다. 사형제를 반대하는 논리는 크게 네 가지로 집약되며 필자는 여기에 대해 상식적인 의문을 제기하려 한다.

첫째, ‘인도주의’적 측면. 사형은 잔인한 형벌이지만 사형수들이 범한 행위에 비해 결코 잔인한 것이 아니다. 인류는 예로부터 잘못된 행동에 대해 응분의 책임을 질 것을 요구해 왔다. 이러한 요구가 무시될 때 과연 사람들은 ‘정의로운 사회’에서 살고 있다는 생각이 들 것인가. 이 경우도 어린이 성추행범의 인권을 옹호하는 사이 죽어 간 11세 허모 양 사건 같은 우를 범하고 있지는 않은지.

둘째, 사형제는 범죄 억제 효과가 없다. 죽음은 인간에게 가장 큰 공포 중 하나다. 범죄의 대가에서 죽음이 제외될 때 범죄 억지력은 약화될 수밖에 없다. 위에 언급한 호턴의 경우를 보자. 어차피 종신형을 살고 있고 사형선고가 불가능한 당시의 상황에서 그가 추가 범죄를 저지르는 것은 어쩌면 합리적인 선택일 수 있다. 또한 이 논리는 ‘교도소가 범죄의 온상 역할을 하고 교정 효과가 분명하지 않으므로 교도소를 없애자’고 주장하는 것과 다를 바가 없다.

셋째, 오심의 경우 돌이킬 방법이 없다. 인간의 판단이 완벽할 수 없고 재판관도 인간이기에 오심의 여지는 있다. 그렇다고 사형제를 없애는 것은 마치 잘못된 자동차 운전으로 매년 수많은 사람이 죽거나 다치기에 자동차 운행을 금지시키자는 얘기와 비슷하다. 법무부 보고서도 지적하듯이 현행 재판 제도하에서 사형수에 대한 오심 가능성은 거의 없다.

넷째, 정치적 목적으로 악용될 수 있다. 물론 과거 사형제도가 악용된 경우도 드물게나마 있었다. 그러나 이제 우리는 민주사회에 살고 있다. 정치적 이유의 사형선고 사례가 1980년 이후 없다는 것을 감안하면 이 주장 역시 설득력이 떨어진다.

현재 국민의 압도적 다수가 사형제 폐지를 반대하고 있다. 더 중요한 것은 사형제 폐지의 논리가 상식적인 수준에서 많은 사람들이 공감할 만한 타당성을 결여하고 있다는 것이다. 법무부가 올해 돌연 태도를 바꾼 연유도 수긍이 안 간다.

이에 필자는 두 가지 질문을 던지려 한다. 흉악범에 의해 아무 이유 없이 잔인하게 살해된 사람의 가족에게 “그 죄수가 처형돼서는 안 된다”라고 자신 있게 얘기할 수 있는가. 그리고 사형제도를 금지하는 이스라엘인들이 그들의 동포를 무참히 학살하는 데 일조했던 아이히만을 특별법을 통해 사형을 집행한 것이 잘못된 행동이라고 비난할 수 있는가. 만약 이 질문들에 대해 머뭇거릴 수밖에 없다면 이 문제는 좀 더 신중하게 생각해 봐야 할 것이다.

강규형 명지대 교수·현대사

Urgent Statement by the Human Rights Commission, ROK

2009-04-07T16:42:00.002+09:00

ROK's Human Rights Commission has beeing facing the forced restructuring process by the Ministry of Public Administration and Security, and released a public statement opposing it.

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행정안전부의 조직축소 강행 방침에 대한 국가인권위원회의 긴급 의견표명

- 09.3.23. 긴급 전원위원회 개최 결과 요약 -

- 국무총리와 행정안전부장관은 일방적인 국가인권위원회 조직축소 방침을 즉시 철회해야 한다.
- 국가인권위원회 조직개편의 시기, 절차, 범위는 인권위의 자율적 판단에 기초하여 독립성이 훼손되지 않도록 결정되어야 한다.
- 국가인권위원회는 행정안전부의 일방처리 방침에 반대하며, 현재 진행되고 있는 직제령 개정절차는 유보되어야 한다.
- 합리적인 사태해결을 위해 국가인권위원장과 국무총리 및 행정안전부장관의 긴급 면담이 이루어져야 한다.

국가인권위원회(위원장 안경환)는 국무총리와 행정안전부장관에게 국가인권위 조직축소 방침 철회를 강력히 요청하며, 합리적인 사태 해결을 위해 행정안전부가 신속히 직제령 개정절차를 유보할 것을 요청한다.

행정안전부는 지난해 12월 이래 국가인권위원회 조직 축소를 일방적으로 추진하고 있다. 이는 행정부가 독립기구인 국가인권위원회 조직의 근간을 뒤흔드는 행위로, 유엔의 파리원칙 등 국제인권규약과 국가인권위원회법에 명시된 ‘독립성’의 심각한 훼손이다. 행정안전부는 국가인권위원회법 제18조를 근거로 국가인권위원회 직제를 조정할 법적 권한을 갖고 있다고 주장한다. 그러나 그런 주장은 직제변경 권한 행사를 통해 국가인권위원회의 실질적 독립성을 침해하겠다는 것에 다름 아니다.

국가인권위원회의 독립성은 2001년 출범 당시부터 중요한 사안이었다. 국가인권위원회는 여야를 초월한 정당 및 시민사회의 총의에 따라 행정부가 임의로 관여할 수 없는 독립기관으로 탄생했다. 독립성은 지난 8년간 국가인권위원회가 본연의 기능을 차질 없이 수행할 수 있었던 원동력이었다. 공권력에 의한 인권침해가 전체 진정사건의 80% 이상을 차지하는 나라에서, 정부로부터의 정치적 독립은 국가인권위원회의 존립을 위한 필수적 조건일 수밖에 없었다.

국가인권위원회는 그동안 입법․행정․사법 등 3부 어디에도 속하지 않는 독립기구임에도, 범정부적 국가 시책에 동참할 뜻을 지속적으로 밝혀왔다. 국가인권위원회는 감사원의 조직체계 재정비 권고를 대승적으로 수용했고, 외부 전문기관에 의뢰해 국가인권위 조직과 인력 실태를 점검했으며, 행정안전부가 요구한 대국대과제 개편안에 대해서도 독립성이 침해되지 않는 범위에서 이행할 의지가 있음을 밝혀왔다.

그럼에도 행정안전부는 자체 조직진단 결과를 갖고 있다는 말만 되풀이할 뿐 어떠한 분석자료도 공개하지 않고 있다. 이는 책임있는 정부기관의 태도라 볼 수 없다. 행정안전부는 조속히 조직진단 결과를 제시하고 국가인권위원회와 함께 타당성 검증을 거쳐야 할 것이다.

행정안전부가 제시한 개편안은 국제적으로 공인된 국가인권기구의 3대 기능(조사, 정책, 교육홍보)을 무시하고 있다. 1개 본부에서 각각 수행하던 정책과 교육업무를 각 1개과 수준으로 축소해 업무 공백이 예견된다. 정책 업무가 마비된다면 국가인권정책 전반을 감시하고 견제하는 기능이 중단된다. 인권교육이 축소되면 사회 전체적으로 인권의식 향상을 도모할 수 있는 통로가 막힌다.

국가인권위원회 조직축소는 한국이 국제인권 분야에서 공들여 쌓아올린 성과를 일거에 허무는 것이다. 한국은 유엔사무총장을 배출하고, 유엔인권이사회 이사국에 재선된 나라다. 한국 국가인권위원회는 현재 ICC(국가인권기구 국제조정위원회) 부의장국이자 내년 초 의장국 합의추대가 유력한 국제사회의 역할 모델이다. 유엔 인권최고대표가 1년 사이 두 번이나 국가인권위원회 독립성 훼손을 우려해 긴급 서한을 발송한 까닭이 여기 있다. 국정과제로 인권외교 강화를 내걸고 국가브랜드위원회까지 만들어 국가의 품위를 높이고자 한다면, 국가인권위원회 조직축소는 마땅히 철회되어야 한다.

국가인권위원회는 그간 대화와 설득을 통해 조직개편 논쟁을 마무리하기 위해 노력해왔다. 국가인권위원회는 행정안전부가 그동안 각계의 의견 등을 반영해 노력을 기울여온 것에 대해 나름의 의미를 부여한다. 하지만 여전히 국가인권기구의 독립성에 대한 이해가 부족하다는 것이 우리의 판단이다. 실례로 지역사무소를 1년간 존치한 뒤 조직진단을 통해 존폐 여부를 다시 결정하겠다는 행정안전부의 방침은 지역사무소의 필요성 및 지역사회의 인권상황과 배치되는 주장이다.

행정안전부가 국가인권위원회에 조직개편 강행 처리를 통보한 지금의 상황을 우리는 매우 중대한 사태로 규정한다. 국가인권위원회의 독립성이 훼손될 경우, 대한민국의 국제적 위상에 심각한 타격이 불가피하다고 보기 때문이다. 국가인권위원장이 ICC 총회 참석까지 취소하며 긴급 전원위원회를 소집한 이유이기도 하다.

국가인권기구의 생명이라 할 독립성이 위기를 맞은 시점에서, 국가인권위원회는 국무총리와 행정안전부장관에게 요청한다. 국가인권위원회 인권위원들은 학계, 법조계, 시민사회 등 각자 다른 영역에서 활동해 왔으나 국가인권위원회의 독립성 침해에 대해서는 한 목소리로 우려를 표한다. 인권위원들은 국회, 대통령, 대법원장 등의 선출과 지명을 거쳐 임명됐다는 점에서, 오늘 전원위원회의 의견은 3부의 의견을 고루 반영한 독립적이고 중립적인 결정이다. 모쪼록 오늘 국가인권위원회의 결정이 인권위 조직축소라는 중차대한 문제를 풀어가는 잣대가 되기를 바란다. 아울러 이번 사태가 국가인권위원회의 독립적 위상을 다시금 명확히 확인하는 계기가 되기를 기대한다.

국가인권위원회는 독립기구의 위상이 훼손되고 있는 현 상황을 매우 유감스럽게 여기며, 향후 국가인권위원회 조직개편은 독립성이 훼손되지 않는 절차와 과정의 범위에서 추진돼야 한다는 점을 거듭 천명한다. 국가인권위원회의 독립성 침해라는 비상한 사태를 바라보는 국제사회의 우려가 더 이상 나오지 않도록 정부의 책임있는 대처를 주문한다. 또한 합리적인 사태해결을 위해 국가인권위원장과 국무총리 및 행정안전부 장관의 긴급 면담이 이루어져야 한다.
2009년 3월 23일
국가인권위원회

Don't Move On Yet

2009-03-11T09:03:00.001+09:00

World Beat
by JOHN FEFFER | Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Let’s say that President Barack Obama appointed me as his Karl Rove. My advice: Don’t move on. The best way to tie the opposition on the right into a pretzel is to go after the Bush administration for all of its high crimes and misdemeanors. The radical right will fall back to defend its conduct for the last eight years. It will have less time and energy to battle the current agenda. The administration should embrace Sen. Patrick Leahy’s (D-VT) Truth Commission, prosecute the Justice Department lawyers for their torture memos, rake the top Pentagon officials over the coals for war crimes in Iraq, and uncover as much dirt as possible on how the Bush administration subverted the constitution, undermined international law, and hijacked America.

Here’s the catch. Obama doesn’t want his own private Karl Rove. Rahm Emanuel may well be foul-mouthed, rude, and not above sending dead fish to his opponents, but he plays by the rules and works both sides of the aisle. He is Mr. Art of the Possible, just like Obama himself. The new president actually believes in bipartisanship — as opposed to simply mouthing the usual clichés about making nice. For Obama, bipartisanship is not just about trying to win votes from Republicans reluctant to provide them or offering cabinet posts to leading conservatives who say yes and then no. It’s about bridging the larger cultural divide in the country.

Obama is no patsy. He has practical reasons for his desire to move on. First of all, he’s sending more U.S. troops in Afghanistan — a poorly thought-out plan, argue Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF) contributors Farrah Hassen and Phyllis Bennis — and any discussion of U.S. war crimes would complicate his mission. Moreover, any investigation of U.S. conduct in Iraq would run up against the uncomfortable truth that a large number of folks in Obama’s party favored the invasion. A Predator strike on the Republican opposition, in other words, would cause collateral damage on the Democrats.

This collective responsibility relates to the second problem: The legal case for war crimes isn’t a slam dunk. Unlike the Nuremberg trials against the Nazis, lawyers can’t make the argument that the government that authorized the invasion of Iraq was an illegitimate one. “The legislature and the courts continued to function according to the constitution, even though the president tried to shield his actions and those of his administration from review,” writes Foreign Policy In Focus contributor Robert Pallitto in Prosecuting the Bush Team? “In several instances — authorizing military action against Iraq, detainee treatment, denial of court review to detainees, immunity for warrantless wiretapping — Congress approved presidential actions, thus making it harder to argue that the government wasn't operating according to valid law.”

Obama might also worry that an in-depth investigation of the Bush team would catalyze rather than confound the opposition. In the 1970s, after the Watergate inquiries and the Church commission investigations into the misdeeds of U.S. foreign policy, the precursors to the neoconservatives launched the Committee on the Present Danger. It mobilized discontent with the perceived America-bashing of the Democrats and produced the long Dark Ages of the 1980s presided over by Ronald Reagan. Handing over Donald Rumsfeld to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, however satisfying, would in fact hand over to the opposition a major tool for mobilizing the Foxified and Rushized masses.

But here’s the larger and ultimately more disturbing reason why Obama wants to put the past behind us. Peace and justice so frequently go hand-in-hand in progressive rhetoric. Alas, peace and justice often find themselves in grave tension. Demands for justice often get short shrift to secure the peace. In South Africa, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission solicited testimony from perpetrators by providing them with amnesty beforehand. In Rwanda, mass murderers received relatively light sentences to put the past behind and promote reconciliation. Anyone working on human rights issues confronts this tension between peace and justice every day. In the most recent example, Hillary Clinton in Beijing promoted better relations between two potential Cold War rivals (a good thing) but also slighted human rights concerns (a bad thing).

The red-blue divide in the United States isn’t exactly apartheid or Hutu vs. Tutsi. Still, the last several elections revealed the immense gap between north and south, relatively educated and relatively undereducated, and white and non-white. A deepening economic crisis only widens that gap. To push through an ambitious, very expensive domestic program and forestall dangerous right-wing populism, Obama aims to promote peace across warring factions. His conciliatory temperament, in this case, intersects with his tactical game plan. Something, however, has to give. And that will be justice.

But if Obama lets everyone off the hook — the Bush team, the top military brass, Wall Street billionaires — the public will treat his calls for change with pained indifference. Leahy offers a middle course with his Truth Commission: “Rather than vengeance, we need an impartial pursuit of what actually happened and a shared understanding of the failures of the recent past,” he has written. Even if Obama’s domestic revolution doesn’t come with a proper Bastille — a powerful, symbolic renunciation of the past — then let’s at least lay bare the perversions of power. Of course we must all look forward, as the president argues. But as any psychologist will tell you, there’s no true moving on without a serious coming to terms with the past. What applies to patients traumatized by their childhoods applies double strength to countries traumatized by their presidents.

War Crimes Elsewhere

Obama isn’t only forgiving when it comes to U.S. war crimes. He’s willing to look the other way at those of allied countries.

Amnesty International has called for an arms embargo against both Israel and Hamas in the aftermath of the war in Gaza. The Obama administration shows no signs of honoring that call. “The most Obama might do to express his displeasure toward controversial Israeli policies like the expansion of illegal settlements in the occupied territories would be to reject a planned increase in military aid for the next fiscal year and slightly reduce economic aid and/or loan guarantees,” writes FPIF senior analyst Stephen Zunes in Obama and Israel’s Military: Still Arm-in-Arm. “However, in a notable departure from previous administrations, Obama made no mention of any military aid to Israel in his outline of the FY 2010 budget, announced last week. This notable absence may indicate that pressure from human rights activists and others concerned about massive U.S. military aid to Israel is now strong enough that the White House feels a need to downplay the assistance rather than emphasize it.”

After 20 years of far-right-wing rule, El Salvador appears also to be on the verge of moving on. Later this week, Salvadorans go to the polls, and the frontrunner for the presidency is Mauricio Funes of the leftist Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). If the left wins, Salvadorans might finally learn the truth of the U.S. role in the civil war of the 1980s. “Washington sent $6 billion in aid to a Salvadoran government whose army and paramilitary death squads were responsible for heinous crimes,” writes FPIF senior analyst Mark Engler in Will the Winds of Change Reach El Salvador? “Some 75,000 people were killed in the country's civil war during that decade. In 1993, a United Nations-backed Truth Commission determined that the government was responsible for 85% of human rights abuses and that the rebel forces were responsible for 5%, with the remaining 10% undetermined.”

Time for Action

Thousands of young activists descended on Washington at the end of February for the Power Shift conference. Also scheduled was the largest act of civil disobedience on the issue of climate change: a protest in front of the coal-fired power plant on Capitol Hill that provides energy for Congress and other buildings. FPIF contributor Andrée Zaleska was there: “There were about 2,500 of us there, despite freezing weather and heavy snow. It was well organized, with great posters and banners. And it was truly fun.” The crowd and the police were both civil, but there was no disobedience. Read her Postcard from…Capitol Climate Action to find out why.

Here’s a suggestion for the Obama administration: Instead of focusing specifically on North Korea’s nuclear weapons program in the Six Party Talks, widen the discussion to address a regional nuclear-weapons-free zone. “Pyongyang might accelerate its own denuclearization if provided with assurances that neither Seoul nor Tokyo would embark on nuclear programs or host the nuclear weapons of other countries — with the proviso that North Korea must first return to the Nonproliferation Treaty,” writes Jon Reinsch in No Nukes in Northeast Asia. “Nothing gives insecure countries like North Korea a greater incentive to pursue nuclear weapons than fear of the nuclear arsenals, potential or actual, of their adversaries.”

Burma is a tough nut to crack. The Bush administration and its predecessors have tried a variety of sanctions. And the military junta has only dug in its heels. Kanbawza Win has a different proposal: Washington and Beijing should hammer out their own bipartisan consensus on Burma. “By teaming up with China, the United States can devise a policy that both respects the democratic opposition and also reaches out to the current Burmese government,” he writes in Dealing with Burma through China. “If the two great powers can resolve their differences over Burma policy, despite different political systems, then they can set an example for the undemocratic Burmese government and the democratic opposition to achieve a compromise that can bring Burma, finally, into the 21st century.”

Links

Chris Cillizza, "Ten Facts You Need to Know about Rahm Emanuel," The Washington Post, November 6, 2008; http://voices.washingtonpost.com/thefix/2008/11/top_10_facts_you_need_to_know.html

Ryan Lizza, “The Gatekeeper,” The New Yorker, March 2, 2009; http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2009/03/02/090302fa_fact_lizza?currentPage=all

Matt Bai, “Yes, More Mr. Nice Guy,” The New York Times Magazine, March 8, 2009; http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/08/magazine/08wwln-lede-t.html?_r=1&ref=magazine

Farrah Hassen and Phyllis Bennis, “President Obama Has Things Backward in Afghanistan,” Monterey County Herald, via the Progressive Media Project (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5927); He's putting the escalation cart way out in front of the strategy horse.

Robert Pallitto, “Prosecuting the Bush Team?” Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5914); Bush’s legal advisors facilitated the administration’s use of torture. Should we drag them in front of the court?

Patrick Leahy, “The Case for a Truth Commission,” Time, February 19, 2009; http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1880662,00.html?iid=tsmodule

Stephen Zunes, “Obama and Israel’s Military: Still Arm-in-Arm,” Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5923); Despite some hopeful movement on Middle East issues, the new administration is still lavishing military aid on Israel and, by extension, the U.S. defense industry.

Mark Engler, “Will the Winds of Change Reach El Salvador?” Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5915); The prospect of progressive leadership coming to power in El Salvador's March 15 presidential elections should prompt a new U.S. policy toward Central America.

Andrée Zaleska, “Postcard from…Capitol Climate Action,” Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5925); With the climate in the balance, it's time to step up the pressure on coal.

Jon Reinsch, “No Nukes in Northeast Asia,” Foreign Policy In Focus
(http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5926); One way to deal with North Korea's nuclear program is to go regional.

Kanbawza Win, “Dealing with Burma through China?” Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5921); Here's one way of breaking the impasse with Burma: Go through Beijing.

. . .
Published by Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF), a project of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)
fpif.org: a think tank without walls

In Legal Memos, Clearer View of Power Bush Sought; Crafter thereof, JOHN C. YOO

2009-03-03T13:47:00.004+09:00

The new Obama administration being shaped up while filling up the empty seats of each governmental organization, many speculations are circulating around within/outside the nation. Vocal ones raised the emphasis on defence alliances, widening FTAs throughout the globe as a mean to breakthrough the economic hardship, regardless of how effective and accurate analysis it was based on, multilateral cooperation concerning the energy and environment. Last but not the least is the issue with human rights. The chairmen of both House and Senate Judiciary Committee have vocalized on the necessity to establish a Truth Commission investigating any human rights violations during the Bush administration. So far Obama took a rather careful stance, trying not to give an impression it may be viewed as politicised issue. But a series of articles published both within/outside the US suggests the attempt is indeed gradually visualized as time goes by. Will this bring more collaborative allianceship between the US and the ROK in terms of human rights issues?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O1GT-BZvhrw

March 3, 2009
In Legal Memos, Clearer View of Power Bush Sought
By NEIL A. LEWIS
WASHINGTON — The secret legal opinions issued by Bush administration lawyers after the Sept. 11 attacks included assertions that the president could use the nation’s military within the United States to combat terrorism suspects and to conduct raids without obtaining search warrants.

That opinion was among nine that were disclosed publicly for the first time Monday by the Justice Department, in what the Obama administration portrayed as a step toward greater transparency.

The opinions reflected a broad interpretation of presidential authority, asserting as well that the president could unilaterally abrogate foreign treaties, ignore any guidance from Congress in dealing with detainees suspected of terrorism, and conduct a program of domestic eavesdropping without warrants.

Some of the positions had previously become known from statements of Bush administration officials in response to court challenges and Congressional inquiries. But taken together, the opinions disclosed Monday were the clearest illustration to date of the broad definition of presidential power approved by government lawyers in the months after the Sept. 11 attacks.

In a memorandum dated this Jan. 15, five days before President George W. Bush left office, a top Justice Department official wrote that those opinions had not been relied on since 2003. But the official, Steven G. Bradbury, who headed the Office of Legal Counsel, said it was important to acknowledge in writing “the doubtful nature of these propositions,” and he used the memo to repudiate them formally.

Mr. Bradbury said in his memo that the earlier ones had been a product of lawyers’ confronting “novel and complex questions in a time of great danger and under extraordinary time pressure.”

The opinion authorizing the military to operate domestically was dated Oct. 23, 2001, and written by John C. Yoo, at the time a deputy assistant attorney general in the Office of Legal Counsel, and Robert J. Delahunty, a special counsel in the office. It was directed to Alberto R. Gonzales, then the White House counsel, who had asked whether Mr. Bush could use the military to combat terrorist activities inside the United States.

The use of the military envisioned in the Yoo-Delahunty reply appears to transcend by far the stationing of troops to keep watch at streets and airports, a familiar sight in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks. The memorandum discussed the use of military forces to carry out “raids on terrorist cells” and even seize property.

“The law has recognized that force (including deadly force) may be legitimately used in self-defense,” Mr. Yoo and Mr. Delahunty wrote to Mr. Gonzales. Therefore any objections based on the Fourth Amendment’s ban on unreasonable searches are swept away, they said, since any possible privacy offense resulting from such a search is a lesser matter than any injury from deadly force.

The Oct. 23 memorandum also said that “First Amendment speech and press rights may also be subordinated to the overriding need to wage war successfully.” It added that “the current campaign against terrorism may require even broader exercises of federal power domestically.”

Mr. Yoo and Mr. Delahunty said that in addition, the Posse Comitatus Act, which generally bars the military from domestic law enforcement operations, would pose no obstacle to the use of troops in a domestic fight against terrorism suspects. They reasoned that the troops would be acting in a national security function, not as law enforcers.

In another of the opinions, Mr. Yoo argued in a memorandum dated Sept. 25, 2001, that judicial precedents approving deadly force in self-defense could be extended to allow for eavesdropping without warrants.

Still another memo, issued in March 2002, suggested that Congress lacked any power to limit a president’s authority to transfer detainees to other countries, a practice known as rendition that was widely used by Mr. Bush.

Other memorandums said Congress had no right to intervene in the president’s determination of the treatment of detainees, a proposition that has since been invalidated by the Supreme Court.

The Jan. 15 memo by Mr. Bradbury repudiating these views said that it was “not sustainable” to argue that the president’s power as commander in chief “precludes Congress from enacting any legislation concerning the detention, interrogation, prosecution and transfer of enemy combatants.”

Mr. Yoo, now a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, is widely known as the principal author of a 2002 memorandum, separate from those made public Monday, that critics have characterized as authorizing torture. That memorandum, signed by Jay S. Bybee, a predecessor of Mr. Bradbury as head of the Office of Legal Counsel, was repudiated in 2004.

The memorandum issued by Mr. Bradbury this January appears to have been the Bush lawyers’ last effort to reconcile their views with the wide rejection by legal scholars and some Supreme Court opinions of the sweeping assertions of presidential authority made earlier by the Justice Department.

Walter Dellinger, who led the Office of Legal Counsel during the Clinton administration and is now a law professor at Duke University, said in an interview that Mr. Bradbury’s memo “disclaiming the opinions of earlier Bush lawyers sets out in blunt detail how irresponsible those earlier opinions were.”

Mr. Dellinger said it was important that it was now widely recognized that the earlier assertions “that Congress had absolutely no role in these national security issues was contrary to constitutional text, historical practice and judicial precedent.”

In a speech a few hours before the documents were disclosed Monday, Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. said: “Too often over the past decade, the fight against terrorism has been viewed as a zero-sum battle with our civil liberties. Not only is that thought misguided, I fear that in actuality it does more harm than good.”

Mr. Holder said that the memorandums were being released in light of a substantial public interest in the issue.

_______________________________________________________________________________

John C. Yoo served for only two years in the Bush administration Justice Department and never rose higher than the rank of assistant attorney general in the legal counsel office. But his bold assertion of executive power and rejection of international law helped shaped some of the administration's most controversial policies, and are likely to have an impact in debates over crucial Constitutional questions for years to come.

When the Justice Department offices were being evacuated Mr. Yoo, then a 34-year-old former law professor whose academic work had focused on foreign affairs and war-powers issues, was asked to stay behind, and he quickly found himself in the department's command center, on the phone to lawyers at the White House.

Within weeks, Mr. Yoo had begun to establish himself as a critical player in the Bush administration's legal response to the terrorist threat, and an influential advocate for the expansive claims of presidential authority that have been a hallmark of that response.

Read More...

Mr. Yoo was a primary author of a series of legal opinions on the fight against terrorism, including one that said the Geneva Conventions did not apply and at least two others that countenanced the use of highly coercive interrogation techniques on terror suspects. He also wrote a still-secret 2002 memorandum that gave legal backing to the administration's secret program to eavesdrop on the international communications of Americans and others inside the United States without federal warrants.

After Mr. Yoo left government in 2003 to return to teaching at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law, an opinion he wrote on interrogations with the head of the legal counsel office, Jay S. Bybee, was publicly disavowed by the White House, a highly unusual step.

While his successors in the Justice Department may have had second thoughts, Mr. Yoo has not backed down. In a combative book, “War by Other Means,” Mr. Yoo was more candid than many of his colleagues about his fervent belief in unfettered executive power.

In the book, Mr. Yoo argued that the Constitution grants the president “the leading role in foreign affairs,” and that the Authorization for Use of Military Force, passed by Congress a week after 9/11, gives the president broad powers to wage the war on terror the way he wants to. Indeed, Mr. Yoo says, “We wrote the law as broadly as we did” to “make sure there could be no claim in the future that the President was acting in the war on terrorism without congressional support.”

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Some US Lawmakers Call for 'Truth Commission' to Investigate Bush Policies

2009-02-27T09:47:00.001+09:00

By Cindy Saine
Washington, VOA
25 February 2009

Senator Patrick Leahy
Influential Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy has proposed that an independent "truth commission" be established to investigate alleged abuses of power under the Bush administration. President Barack Obama has reacted cautiously to the suggestion, saying he is more interested in looking forward than backwards.

Several Democratic lawmakers have joined a number of human-rights organizations in calling for an investigation of the Bush administration's counter-terrorism policies. Controversial policies include certain interrogation techniques used at U.S. detention centers in Guantanamo, Iraq and Afghanistan, and the warrant-less wiretapping of U.S. citizens.

Speaking at Georgetown University earlier this month, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy said there was a "dangerous departure from the rule of law" during the Bush administration, and that Congress needs to make sure America gets back on the right track.

"One path to that goal would be a reconciliation process, a truth commission. We could develop and authorize a person, a group of people universally recognized as fair-minded, without any ax to grind [no personal or political interest]. Their straightforward mission would be to find the truth. People would be told to come forward and share their knowledge and experiences, not for purposes of constructing criminal indictments, but to assemble the facts, he said.

Leahy said he envisions the panel modeled after the truth commission in South Africa that investigated the apartheid era, and that immunity from prosecution could be offered to those who cooperate.

"Rather than vengeance, we need a fair-minded pursuit of what actually happened. And sometimes the best way to move forward, is to find out the truth, find out what happened, and we do that to make sure it never happens again," he said.

Leahy has also made clear that Democratic lawmakers who supported questionable Bush administration policies must also be investigated, which may help to explain why not many Democratic lawmakers have been clamoring for the commission.

A 2008 file photo of House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers, D-Mich., on Capitol Hill
One notable exception is House Judiciary Chairman John Conyers, who has called for a National Commission on Presidential War Powers and Civil Liberties, with subpoena power, much like the 9/11 Commission.

Elizabeth Goitien of the Brennan Center for Justice, a public policy institute, agrees that some sort of truth commission could help U.S. credibility.

"Now in order to do that, the commission would have to be set up correctly, I mean it would have to have real teeth and real powers. It would have to have subpoena power, it would have to get cooperation from the government and there would have to be the force of law behind it to make sure that it got cooperation. And it would have to be thorough and unflinching. But I think if a commission were to be set up the right way and to do a good job, then I think "yes", it could demonstrate to the rest of the world that we are very serious about accountability," she said.

Most Republican lawmakers oppose investigating the Bush administration, saying such a probe could compromise counter-terrorism efforts.

Moderate Republican Senator Arlen Specter rejected the idea of truth commissions, saying if every administration started to examine what the previous administration did, there would be no end to it.

President Barack Obama addresses a joint session of Congress in the House Chamber of the Capitol in Washington, 24 Feb 2009
President Obama has not endorsed the truth commission. At a nationally-televised prime-time news conference earlier this month, he was asked about Leahy's proposal, and said he would review it.

"Nobody is above the law, and if there are clear instances of wrongdoing, that people should be prosecuted just like any ordinary citizen. But, that generally speaking, I am more interested in looking forward than I am in looking backwards," he said.

Mr. Obama may fear an investigation could inflame the kind of partisan divisions he has said he wants to avoid. Also the president will likely need Republican support to deal with the economic crisis and challenges such as health care and foreign policy issues.

But a USA Today/Gallup poll this month found that 62 percent of Americans support either a criminal investigation or an independent panel to look into allegations of torture and other abuses of power during the Bush administration.

Human Rights Report; the US State Department

2009-02-27T09:34:00.003+09:00

Below is the Human Rights Report of the US State Department, released on Feb. 25. Amongst dozens of nations, the one of the Republic of Korea is extracted here for your reference. How objectively they were written? I guess that's upto your own judgement. For those, who think they understand Korea, let me hear your voice. (beforethedawn7@gmail.com)

U.S. Department of State

2008 Human Rights Report: Republic of Korea
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
February 25, 2009
The Republic of Korea (Korea or ROK) is a constitutional democracy governed by a president and a unicameral legislature. The country has a population of approximately 48 million. In April the Grand National Party obtained a majority of National Assembly seats in a free and fair election. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Women, persons with disabilities, and minorities continued to face societal discrimination. Rape, domestic violence, child abuse, and trafficking in persons remained serious problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings.
Official figures indicated that hazing was a factor in many of the 321 suicides by military personnel since 2004.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The law prohibits mistreatment of suspects, and officials generally observed this prohibition in practice.
The government continued to investigate incidents of possible abuse under the country's former military regimes. As of November the Commission for the Restoration of Honor and Compensation to Activists of the Democratization Movement had reviewed 11,241 of the 13,348 cases reported since its creation in 2000 and determined that compensation was due in 8,908 of them.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
Prison and detention center conditions generally met international standards, and the government permitted visits by independent human rights observers.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and the government generally observed these prohibitions. However, the National Security Law (NSL) grants the authorities broad powers to detain, arrest, and imprison persons who commit acts the government views as intended to endanger the "security of the state." Critics continued to call for reform or abolishment of the law, contending that its provisions did not define prohibited activity clearly. The Ministry of Justice (MOJ) maintained that the courts had established legal precedents for strict interpretation of the law that preclude arbitrary application. The number of NSL investigations and arrests has dropped significantly in recent years.
During the year authorities arrested 16 persons and prosecuted another 27 persons for alleged NSL violations. Of those prosecuted, four were found guilty; the remaining 23 were on trial as of year's end. In August authorities indicted a secondary school teacher on charges of violating the NSL for distributing materials related to the May 1980 Kwangju uprising. At the end of the year he was awaiting trial without physical detention. In another case four members of a nongovernmental organization (NGO) were detained and charged in September with illegal contact with Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) agents and distribution of North Korean press material for the purpose of exalting DPRK leader Kim Jong-il. The NGO claimed the government used falsehoods against the four and filed a defamation claim for damages. At year's end the four were in detention awaiting trial, and the defamation claim had not been settled.
In November 2007 a university professor found guilty of violating the NSL and sentenced in 2006 to two years in prison lost his final appeal.
An Amnesty International (AI) report alleged there were arbitrary arrests of bystanders on at least three occasions during demonstrations against President Lee Myung-bak in Seoul between May and September. Those arrested were detained and released. The Korean National Police Agency (KNPA) stated that police followed the requirements of the law in responding to the demonstrations. The MOJ reported that official investigations had not confirmed any instances of arbitrary arrest as of year's end.
Role of the Police and Security Apparatus
Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the KNPA, and the government has effective mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and corruption.
AI reported that some riot police dispatched to demonstrations in Seoul between May and September had hidden their name badges or not worn them. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) also reported that some riot police had covered their nametags with black tape and recommended that the KNPA ensure that police nametags are easily visible.
Arrest and Detention
The law requires warrants in cases of arrest, detention, seizure, or search, except if a person is apprehended while committing a criminal act or if a judge is not available and the authorities believe that a suspect may destroy evidence or escape capture if not quickly arrested. In such cases a public prosecutor or judicial police officer must prepare an affidavit of emergency arrest immediately upon apprehension of the suspect. Police may not question for more than six hours persons who voluntarily submit to questioning at police stations. Authorities generally must release an arrested suspect within 20 days unless an indictment is issued. An additional 10 days of detention is allowed in exceptional circumstances.
There is a bail system, but human rights lawyers stated that bail generally was not granted for detainees who were charged with committing serious offenses, might attempt to flee or harm a previous victim, or had no fixed address.
The law provides for the right to representation by an attorney, including during police interrogation. There are no restrictions on access to a lawyer, but the authorities can limit a lawyer's participation in an interrogation if the lawyer obstructs the interrogation or divulges information that impedes an investigation. The courts generally observed a defendant's right to a lawyer. During both detention and arrest periods, an indigent detainee may request that the government provide a lawyer.
Access to family members during detention varies according to the level of crime being investigated. There were no reports of access to legal counsel being denied.
Amnesty
In August the government granted a special amnesty to approximately 342,000 persons. Most were government officials due to receive disciplinary action. Approximately 1,900 of the pardons involved Election Act violations and another 10,000 involved commutation of sentences or probation for persons convicted of other crimes.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The law provides for an independent judiciary, and the government generally respected judicial independence in practice.
Trial Procedures
The law provides defendants with a number of rights in criminal trials, including the presumption of innocence, protection against self-incrimination, the right to a speedy trial, the right of appeal, and freedom from retroactive laws and double jeopardy. Trials are open to the public, but judges may restrict attendance if they believe spectators might disrupt the proceedings. There is a public jury system, but the verdict of the jury is not legally binding. Court-appointed lawyers are provided by the government (at government expense) in cases where defendants cannot afford to provide their own legal counsel. When a person is detained, the initial trial must be completed within six months of arrest. Judges generally allowed considerable scope for examination of witnesses by both the prosecution and defense. Defendants have the right to be present and to consult with an attorney, can confront or question witnesses against them, and can present witnesses and evidence on their behalf. Defendants have access to government-held evidence relevant to their cases. The constitution provides for the right to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary generally enforced this right.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
It was difficult to estimate the number of political prisoners, because it was sometimes unclear whether persons were arrested for exercising the rights of free speech and association or for committing acts of violence or espionage. The NGO Mingahyup reported that as of December, the government had imprisoned 74 persons for their political beliefs and convicted 399 conscientious objectors who failed to report for military service. However, the MOJ stated that there were no cases of incarceration for political beliefs and that the law does not distinguish conscientious objectors from others who do not report for military service.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
There was an independent and impartial judiciary in civil matters, and there were no problems enforcing domestic court orders. Citizens had access to a court to bring lawsuits seeking damages for, or cessation of, a human rights violation.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The law prohibits such actions, and the government generally respected these prohibitions in practice. Some human rights groups raised concerns about possible government wiretapping abuse. The law establishes broad conditions under which the government may monitor telephone calls, mail, and other forms of communication for up to two months in criminal investigations and four months in national security cases. According to the National Assembly parliamentary audit, there were 1,149 instances of wiretapping in 2007. The National Intelligence Service conducted 87.9 percent of these. Telecommunications companies provided customer information to investigation agencies on 426,453 occasions in 2007.
The government continued to require some released prisoners to report regularly to police in accordance with the Security Surveillance Act. While the Ministry of Unification (MOU) designated precinct-level officers to handle issues brought forth by resettled DPRK refugees, the ministry claimed that there were no reporting requirements for the resettled citizens.
The NSL forbids citizens from listening to North Korean radio in their homes or reading books published in the DPRK if the government determines that the action endangers national security or the basic order of democracy in the country. However, this prohibition was rarely enforced, and the viewing of DPRK satellite telecasts in private homes is legal.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The law provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the government generally respected these rights in practice. An independent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combined to ensure freedom of speech and of the press. The independent media were active and expressed a wide variety of views generally without restriction. However, under the NSL the government may limit the expression of ideas that authorities consider Communist or pro-DPRK.
Internet Freedom
The government blocked violent, sexually explicit, and gambling-oriented Web sites and required site operators to rate their site as harmful or not harmful to youth, based on telecommunications laws that ban Internet service providers from offering information considered harmful to youth. The government also continued to block DPRK Web sites.
The law requires identity verification in order to post messages to Web sites with more than 300,000 visitors per day.
According to 2007 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development data, 94.1 percent of households had access to the Internet through broadband connections. In addition to Internet access from home, public Internet rooms were widely available and inexpensive.
Academic Freedom and Cultural Events
There were generally no government restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Freedom of Assembly
The law provides for freedom of assembly, and the government generally respected this right in practice. The law prohibits assemblies that are considered likely to undermine public order and requires police to be notified in advance of demonstrations of all types, including political rallies. The police must notify organizers if they consider an event impermissible under this law; however, police routinely approved demonstrations. The police reportedly banned some protests by groups that had not properly registered or that had been responsible for violent protests in the past.
The KNPA reported that 26 riot police were accused of abuses during the period of the "Candlelight Demonstrations" in Seoul against the administration of President Lee Myung-bak between May and September. An AI report on the demonstrations noted that protesters were mostly peaceful and the police showed "organization and restraint," but it criticized riot police for misusing water cannons and fire extinguishers; exercising excessive and unnecessary force; and kicking and beating protesters, journalists, observers, and medical volunteers with shields and batons. The report also stated that riot police were insufficiently trained in crowd control and dispersion. The NHRC also reported that police occasionally had suppressed demonstrations in an excessive manner, injuring protesters. The KNPA stated that police responded to violent and illegal demonstrations in accordance with the law. Official investigations of allegations of police abuse were ongoing at year's end.
Freedom of Association
The law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected this right in practice. Associations operated freely, except those deemed by the government to be seeking to overthrow the government. In December 2007, for example, Jang Min-ho, a foreign citizen and former reporter for the newspaper Joongang Daily, was sentenced to seven years and fined 19 million won (approximately $14,300) for allegedly meeting with DPRK spies. He was serving his sentence as of year's end.
c. Freedom of Religion
The law provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respected this right in practice.
In August tens of thousands of Buddhists protested alleged discrimination by the government. Buddhist leaders denounced a police search of a temple vehicle for fugitive anti-Lee Myung-bak demonstrators and demanded the dismissal of the KNPA commissioner general, who had appeared in a poster promoting a Christian police event. In September President Lee Myung-bak expressed regret that any actions of civil servants had "caused concern within the Buddhist community." The head of the Buddhist Jogye Order accepted an apology from the police commissioner general in November.
Societal Abuses and Discrimination
The small Jewish population consists almost entirely of expatriates. There were no reports of anti-Semitic acts.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2008 International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/g/drl/irf/rpt.
d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons
Most citizens could move freely throughout the country; however, government officials restricted the movement of certain DPRK defectors by denying them passports. In January the Supreme Court ruled that the denial of a passport to one defector was "unjust." While foreign travel generally was unrestricted, the government must approve travel to the DPRK. In many cases travelers going to the DPRK must receive a briefing from the Ministry of Unification prior to departure. They must demonstrate also that their trip does not have a political purpose and is not undertaken to praise the DPRK or criticize the government. The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers.
The law does not include provisions for forced exile of its citizens, and the government did not employ it.
Protection of Refugees
The laws provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 protocol, and the government has established a system for providing protection to refugees. However, the government routinely did not grant refugee status or asylum. In practice the government generally provided protection against the expulsion or return of refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened.
Government guidelines provide for offering temporary refuge in the case of a mass influx of asylum seekers and an alternative form of protection--a renewable, short-term permit--to those who meet a broader definition of "refugee." During the year the government recognized 36 asylum applicants as refugees, many more than in past years. However, a complex procedure and long delays in refugee status decision making continued to be problems. At year's end approximately 1,500 applications were pending decisions. Asylum seekers who were recognized as refugees received basic documentation but frequently encountered problems in exercising their rights. Like other foreigners, refugees frequently were subjected to various forms of informal discrimination.
The government continued its longstanding policy of accepting refugees from the DPRK, who are entitled to ROK citizenship. The government resettled 2,809 North Koreans during the year, resulting in 15,057 North Koreans resettled in the country.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
The law provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage for all citizens 20 years of age or older.
Elections and Political Participation
National Assembly elections held in April were free and fair.
Both the majority and the various minority political parties operated without restriction or outside interference.
In general elections, 50 percent of each party's candidates on the proportional ballot must be women, and 30 percent of each party's geographical candidates are recommended to be women. There were 41 female lawmakers in the 299-seat National Assembly, with three of 18 National Assembly committees chaired by women. Two of 13 Supreme Court justices and two of 15 cabinet ministers were women.
There were no minorities in the National Assembly.
Government Corruption and Transparency
The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption, and the government generally implemented these laws effectively. The Korea Independent Commission Against Corruption stated that the overall "cleanliness level" of the government for 2007 was 8.89 out of 10 points, an improvement from 8.77 in 2006. There were reports of officials receiving bribes and violating election laws. Several National Assembly members were found guilty of taking bribes in exchange for fixing candidate lists for proportional representation seats up for election in April. In November the prosecutor's office announced corruption indictments against 250 officials at state-backed companies, primarily for taking bribes.
By law public servants above a certain rank must register their assets, including how they were accumulated, thereby making their holdings public. Among the anticorruption agencies are the Board of Audit & Inspection and the Public Servants Ethics Committee. In February the Korea Independent Commission Against Corruption, Ombudsman of Korea, and Administrative Appeals Commission were integrated to form the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission.
The country has a Freedom of Information Act; in practice the government granted access for citizens and noncitizens alike, including foreign media.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials often were cooperative and responsive to their views.
The NHRC is an independent government body established to protect and promote human rights; however, it has no enforcement powers and its decisions are not binding. The NHRC investigates complaints, issues policy recommendations, and conducts education campaigns. The NHRC largely has enjoyed the government's cooperation, received adequate resources, and been considered effective.
Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons
The law forbids discrimination on the basis of gender, religion, disability, social status, and race, and the government generally respected these provisions. However, traditional attitudes limited opportunities for women, persons with disabilities, and ethnic minorities. While courts have jurisdiction to decide discrimination claims, many of these cases were instead handled by the NHRC. During the year 1,380 such cases were brought before the NHRC.
Women
Rape remained a serious problem. Although there is no specific statute that defines spousal rape as illegal, the courts have established a precedent by prosecuting spouses in such cases. The MOJ stated that there were 7,532 reports of rape and 3,581 prosecutions during the year. In 2007 there were 15,325 registered cases of sexual violence, including rape, sexual harassment, and other sexual crimes, according to the Ministry of Gender Equality (MOGE). A study by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs and the Korean Institute of Criminology found that annually 17.9 of every 1,000 women were victims of sexual harassment, rape, or other sexual crimes, but the reporting rate for rape was only 7.1 percent. The penalty for rape is at least three years' limited imprisonment; if a weapon is used or two or more persons commit the rape, punishment ranges from a minimum of five years' to life imprisonment.
Violence against women remained a problem. During the year the MOJ registered 11,048 cases of domestic violence and prosecuted 1,747 cases. According to an MOGE survey, approximately 30 percent of all married women were victims of domestic violence. The law defines domestic violence as a serious crime and enables authorities to order offenders to stay away from victims for up to six months. Offenders can be sentenced to a maximum five years' imprisonment or fined up to seven million won ($5,300). Offenders also may be placed on probation or ordered to see court designated counselors. The law also requires police to respond immediately to reports of domestic violence, and the police generally were responsive.
Prostitution is illegal but widespread. In July police began a crackdown on alleged prostitution-related establishments in multiple areas of Seoul, closing 61 businesses in one district and prosecuting approximately 350 persons without physical detention. The government allows for the prosecution of citizens who pay for sex or commit acts of child sexual exploitation in other countries. The Act on the Prevention of the Sex Trade and Protection of Victims Thereof, which entered into effect in September, further stipulates that the MOGE complete a report every three years on the status of domestic prostitution in addition to the involvement of citizens in sex tourism and the sex trade abroad. NGOs continued to express concern that sex tourism to China and Southeast Asia was becoming more prevalent.
The law obligates companies and organizations to take preventive measures against sexual harassment, but it continued to be a problem. The NHRC received 152 cases of sexual harassment during the year. According to the NHRC, remedies included issuance of a recommendation for redress, conciliation, mutual settlement, and resolution during investigation. The NHRC lacks the authority to impose punitive measures, which must be pursued through the court system.
The family law permits a woman to head a household, recognizes a wife's right to a portion of a couple's property, and allows a woman to maintain contact with her children after a divorce. The law also allows remarried women to change their children's family name to their new husband's name. Women enjoy the same legal rights under the constitution as men.
Women continued to experience economic discrimination in pay for substantially similar work. According to the Korea Institute of Finance, a survey of financial services companies revealed that almost 60 percent of newly created jobs in this sector were filled by women. The portion of entry-level civil service positions that women filled increased from 3.2 percent in 1992 to 49 percent in 2007. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade reported that 67.7 percent of new diplomats were women. The Ministry of Labor (MOL) stated that the employment rate of females between the ages of 15 and 64 had risen approximately 10 percentage points since 1996, from 43.6 percent to 53.1 percent. Nevertheless, relatively few women worked in managerial positions or earned more than a median income, and gender discrimination in the workplace remained a problem. An MOL survey released in April found that 53.9 percent of respondents believed that sexual discrimination within the workplace was a serious problem.
The law penalizes companies found to discriminate against women in hiring and promotions. A company found guilty of practicing sexual discrimination could be fined up to approximately five million won ($3,800) and have its name published in the newspaper. The law also provides for a public fund to support victims in seeking legal redress. Some government agencies' preferential hiring of applicants with military service (nearly always men) reinforced barriers against women, despite a Constitutional Court ruling that such preferential hiring was unconstitutional.
Children
The government demonstrated its commitment to children's rights and welfare through free public education. High quality health care was widely available to children.
From January through June, a total of 2,733 child abuse cases were reported to the Ministry of Health and Welfare (MOHW). The MOGE maintained four centers that provided counseling, treatment, and legal assistance to child victims of sexual violence. In February the government revised the Acts on the Prevention of School Violence and Countermeasures to make sexual violence perpetrated at school subject to criminal prosecution.
The law establishes a maximum sentence of 25 years' imprisonment for the brokerage and sale of the sexual services of persons younger than 19 years of age. It also establishes prison terms for persons convicted of the purchase of sexual services of youth under age 19. The Commission on Youth Protection publicizes the names of those who commit sex offenses against minors. The law provides for prison terms of up to three years or a fine of up to 20 million won ($15,000) for owners of entertainment establishments who hire persons under age 19. The commission's definition of "entertainment establishment" includes facilities such as restaurants and cafes where children are hired illegally as prostitutes.
In July the Constitutional Court overturned a 1987 ban on prenatal gender tests, ruling that a parent's right to know outweighed the risk of male-preference abortion, a practice that the court stated was in decline.
Trafficking in Persons
The law prohibits all forms of trafficking in persons; however, there were reports that persons were trafficked to, from, through, and within the country. Women from Russia, other countries of the former Soviet Union, China, Mongolia, the Philippines, and other Southeast Asian countries were trafficked to the country for sexual exploitation and domestic servitude. They were recruited personally or answered advertisements and were flown to Korea, often with entertainer or tourist visas. In some instances, once these visa recipients arrived in the country, employers illegally held victims' passports. In addition some foreign women recruited for legal and brokered marriages with Korean men ended up in situations of sexual exploitation, debt bondage, and involuntary servitude once married. Korean women were trafficked primarily for sexual exploitation to the United States, sometimes through Canada and Mexico, as well as to other countries, such as Australia and Japan. Relatively small numbers of migrants seeking opportunities in the country were believed to have become victims of trafficking as well, although the MOL Employment Permit System reduced the number of workers trafficked into the country. There were reports that human traffickers exploited ROK passports for the purpose of human trafficking. There was no credible evidence that officials were involved in trafficking.
The law prohibits trafficking for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation, including debt bondage, and prescribes up to 10 years' imprisonment. Trafficking for forced labor is criminalized and carries penalties of up to five years' imprisonment. February revisions to the Passport Act allow for restricted issuance or confiscation of passports of persons engaging in illegal activity overseas, including sex trafficking. However, some NGOs believed the laws against sex trafficking were not being enforced to their fullest potential. During the year authorities conducted 220 trafficking investigations and prosecuted in 31 cases, all for sex trafficking. There were no reported prosecutions or convictions of labor trafficking offenses.
The Marriage Brokerage Management Act, which entered into effect in June, regulates both domestic and international marriage brokers and prescribes penalties for dishonest brokers, including sentences of up to three years' imprisonment or fines. There also are laws to protect "foreign brides" in the country and punish fraudulent marriage brokers, but NGOs claimed the laws needed to be strengthened.
The KNPA and the MOJ were principally responsible for enforcing antitrafficking laws. The government worked with the international community on investigations related to trafficking.
The government maintained a network of shelters and programs to assist victims of abuse, including trafficking victims. Victims were also eligible for medical, legal, vocational, and social support services. NGOS with funding from the government provided many of these services. NGOs reported that there was only one counseling center and two shelters in the country dedicated to foreign victims of sex trafficking. The MOJ continued to educate male clients of prostitution to correct distorted views of prostitution. During the year 17,956 individuals participated in the program.
The State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons Report can be found at www.state.gov/g/tip.
Persons with Disabilities
In April the Anti-Discrimination Against and Remedies for Persons with Disabilities Act (DDA) took effect. The DDA adopts a definition of discrimination encompassing direct discrimination, indirect discrimination, and denial of due conveniences, and it establishes penalties for deliberate discrimination of up to three years in prison and 30 million won ($22,600). The government, through the MOHW, initiated a five-year plan to implement a comprehensive set of policies, took measures to make homes barrier free, provided part-time employment, established a task force to introduce a long-term medical care system, and opened a national rehabilitation research center to increase opportunities and access for persons with disabilities. During the year the NHRC received 635 cases of alleged discrimination in areas such as employment, property ownership, and access to educational facilities.
Firms with more than 100 employees are required by law either to hire persons with disabilities or contribute to funds used to promote the employment of persons with disabilities. Nevertheless, the hiring of persons with disabilities remained significantly below target levels.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
The country is racially homogeneous, with no sizable populations of ethnic minorities. Citizenship is based on parentage, not place of birth, and persons must demonstrate their family genealogy as proof of citizenship. Naturalization is a difficult process requiring detailed applications, a long waiting period, and a series of investigations and examinations. Because of the difficulty of establishing Korean citizenship, those not ethnically Korean remained "foreign." Many foreign workers continued to report difficult working conditions.
Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination
Despite cultural respect for the elderly, there were reports of age discrimination in the workplace. In March the government enacted the Age Discrimination in Employment Act to address age discrimination in hiring and employment.
Some observers claimed that persons with HIV/AIDS suffered from severe societal discrimination and social stigma. The law ensures the confidentiality of persons with HIV/AIDS and protects individuals from discrimination. The government supported rehabilitation programs and shelters run by private groups and subsidized medical expenses from the initial diagnosis. The government operated a Web site with HIV/AIDS information and a telephone counseling service.
The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, but societal discrimination persisted. In November a military court asked the Constitutional Court to rule on the constitutionality of rules prohibiting sexual activity between male military personnel. An opinion had not been rendered by year's end.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law provides workers with the right to associate freely and allows public servants to organize unions. The government continued to postpone the implementation of the 1997 law that authorizes union pluralism.
The ratio of organized labor in the entire population of wage earners in 2007 was approximately 11 percent, or 1.5 million unionists from a total of 14.7 million workers. The country has two national labor federations--the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) and the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU)--and an estimated 1,600 labor unions. The KCTU and the FKTU were affiliated with the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). Most of the FKTU's constituent unions maintained affiliations with global union federations.
The government recognized a range of other labor federations, including independent white-collar federations representing hospital workers, journalists, and office workers at construction firms and government research institutes. Labor federations not formally recognized by the MOL generally operated without government interference. AI criticized the MOL for continuing to deny legal recognition to the Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants Trade Union (MTU), even after a high court ruled that the law protecting the right of association applied to migrant laborers. In May the government arrested and deported MTU's President Torna Limbu and Vice President Abdus Sabur for being in "irregular or undocumented status." The ITUC criticized the May arrest and deportation of the two under immigration charges as governmental antiunion repression. Previous MTU leaders also previously were arrested and deported.
By law unions must submit a request for mediation to the Labor Relations Commission before a strike; otherwise, the strike is considered illegal. In most cases the mediation must be completed within 10 days; in the case of essential services, within 15 days. Strikes initiated following this period without majority support from union membership are illegal. Striking is also prohibited in cases in which a dispute has been referred to binding arbitration. Workers employed at major defense corporations subject to the Special Act on the Defense Industry and those working in the areas of electricity generation, water supply, or production of defense products are not allowed to strike. In addition, if striking employees resort to violence, unlawful occupation of premises, or infliction of damage to facilities, their actions are deemed illegal. Strikes not specifically pertaining to labor conditions, including wages, benefits, and working hours, are also illegal. Under the penal code for "obstruction of business," arrest warrants can be issued against union leaders during an illegal strike. Striking workers can be removed by police from the premises and, along with union leaders, prosecuted and sentenced.
On December 5, authorities arrested KCTU President Lee Suk-haeng and charged him with "obstruction of business" in connection with his role organizing a general strike on July 2 to protest plans to resume foreign beef imports. Authorities also charged him with organizing solidarity action in 2007 against a retail company that allegedly subjected its workers to precarious and exploitative employment arrangements. The ITUC criticized his arrest, on warrants issued against him and 10 other KCTU and Korean Metal Workers' Union officials, as violating the government's legal obligations to respect freedom of association.
The law prohibits retribution against workers who conduct a legal strike and allows workers to file complaints of unfair labor practices against employers.
By law unions in enterprises determined to be of "essential public interest"--including railways, utilities, public health, the Bank of Korea, and telecommunications--can be ordered to submit to government-ordered arbitration. Strikes are prohibited for both central and local government officials.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
The law provides for the workers' right to collective bargaining and collective action, and workers exercised these rights in practice. The law also empowers workers to file complaints of unfair labor practices against employers who interfere with union organizing or who discriminate against union members. Employers found guilty of unfair practices can be required to reinstate workers fired for union activities. However, forced reinstatement was used infrequently because employers took extra precautions when firing union members. According to the ITUC, employers in some cases levied "obstruction of business" charges against union leaders who were seeking to bargain collectively or engage in regular union activities.
The law permits public servants to organize trade unions and bargain collectively, although it restricts the public service unions from collective bargaining on topics such as policy-making issues and budgetary matters.
The government designated enterprises in the two export processing zones (EPZs) as public interest enterprises. Workers in these enterprises have the rights enjoyed by workers in other sectors, and labor organizations are permitted in the EPZs. However, foreign companies operating in the EPZs are exempt from some labor regulations. For example, foreign-invested enterprises are exempt from provisions that mandate monthly leave, paid holidays, and menstruation leave for women; give preferential treatment to patriots, veterans, and their families; obligate companies with more than 300 persons to recruit persons with disabilities for at least 2 percent of their workforce; encourage companies to reserve 3 percent of their workforce for workers over 55 years of age; and restrict large companies from participating in certain business categories.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children, and there were no reports that such practices occurred.
d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
The law protects children from exploitation in the workplace and prohibits forced or compulsory labor, and the government effectively enforced these laws through regular inspections. Child labor was not considered a problem.
The labor standards law prohibits the employment of persons under age 15 without a special employment certificate from the MOL. Because education is compulsory through middle school (approximately age 15), few special employment certificates were issued for full-time employment. To obtain employment, children under age 18 must obtain written approval from either parents or guardians. Employers must limit minors' overtime hours and are prohibited from employing minors at night without special permission from the MOL.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The minimum wage is reviewed annually. During the year the minimum wage was 3,770 won (approximately $2.80) per hour. The FKTU and other labor organizations asserted that the existing minimum wage did not meet the basic requirements of urban workers.
Employees of large conglomerates, publicly owned companies, banks, insurance companies with 1,000 or more registered workers, and companies with more than 50 employees work a five-day, 40-hour workweek. Labor laws mandate a 24-hour rest period each week and provide for a flexible hours system, under which employers can require laborers to work up to 48 hours during certain weeks without paying overtime (and 52 with approval from the relevant labor union), so long as average weekly hours for any given two-week period do not exceed 40 hours. If a union agrees to a further loosening of the rules, management may ask employees to work up to 56 regular hours in a given week. Workers may not be required to work more than 12 hours per working day. The labor standards law also provides for a 50 percent higher wage for overtime.
The Korea Occupational Safety and Health Agency (KOSHA) is responsible for implementing industrial accident prevention activities. The government set health and safety standards, but the accident rate was high by international standards. During the year there were 2,422 fatalities related to industrial accidents. According to KOSHA, approximately 60 percent of work-related injuries occurred in workplaces with 50 workers or less. During the year KOSHA provided funds and technical support to improve safety and health facilities at manufacturing workplaces employing fewer than 50 employees, awareness of occupational health problems in the workplace, and safety education for migrant workers. Foreign workers reportedly were more likely to be victims of work-related injuries but were often discouraged from seeking compensation. By law an employer may not dismiss or otherwise disadvantage an employee who interrupts work and takes shelter because of an urgent hazard that could lead to an industrial accident.
Contract and other "nonregular" workers accounted for a substantial portion of the workforce. According to the government, there were approximately 5.4 million nonregular workers, comprising approximately 34 percent of the total workforce. In general nonregular workers performed work similar to regular workers but received approximately 67 percent of the wages of regular workers; 53 percent of nonregular workers were ineligible for national health and unemployment insurance and other benefits, compared with 6 percent of regular workers. In July application of the 2006 Non-Regular Workers Act was expanded to cover businesses with 100 or more employees. The vast majority of contract and other nonregular workers were not foreign workers.
The law on nonregular workers allows companies with more than 300 workers to use temporary worker contracts valid for a maximum of two years. However, labor groups alleged that employers used a loophole in the law to avoid their obligation to hire part-time workers as regular workers after the two-year time limit.
The MOJ reported that the total number of foreigners with legal working status was 494,035 as of year's end. The total number of foreign workers in illegal status was 54,518. The government continued its crackdown on illegal foreign labor.
The government continued to use the Employment Permit System (EPS) to increase protections and controls on foreign workers while easing the labor shortage in the manufacturing, construction, and agricultural sectors. Through the EPS, permit holders may work in certain industries only and have limited job mobility but generally enjoy the same rights and privileges, including the right to organize. Foreign workers were limited in their freedom to change jobs. Before changing jobs the employee's place of work must close down or the worker must have proof of physical abuse at the hand of the employer. Unless MOJ guidelines allow for an extension on humanitarian grounds, workers lose their legal status if they do not find a new employer within two months.
During the year 75,024 foreigners entered Korea under the EPS. They often encountered difficult working conditions. AI and local media reported that foreign laborers often faced physical abuse and exploitation from employers. The NGO Korea Migrant Center received reports of abuse of female entertainment visa holders. The MOJ reported that foreign workers filed 8,074 complaints related to unpaid wages during the year.
Foreign workers employed as language teachers continued to complain that the institutes for which they worked frequently violated employment contracts, but employers reported there were a large number of foreign teachers who did not fully honor their work contracts.

Will Obama Administration Launch a Truth Commission?

2009-02-24T11:16:00.000+09:00

February 22, 2009
To Investigate or Not: Four Ways to Look Back at Bush
By SCOTT SHANE
WASHINGTON — Two days after his re-election in 1864, with Union victory in the Civil War assured, Abraham Lincoln stood at a White House window to address a boisterous crowd of supporters. He spoke of the lessons of the nation’s calamitous recent history.
“In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong; as silly and as wise; as bad and as good,” Lincoln said. “Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged.”
Today there are new calls for such study, not universal but certainly loud enough, directed this time at the Bush administration’s campaign against terrorism. Interrogation techniques that the United States had long condemned as torture, secret prisons beyond the reach of American law and eavesdropping on American soil without court warrants are at the top of a lot of lists.
But as Lincoln knew, one man’s wisdom is another’s vengeance. Repeatedly in American history, and in “truth commissions” in some two dozen countries from Argentina to Zimbabwe since the 1980s, it has turned out to be a tricky business to turn the ferocious politics of recent events into the dispassionate stuff of justice and the rule of law.
A USA Today/Gallup poll this month found that 62 percent of Americans favor either a criminal investigation or an independent panel to look into allegations of torture. Still, many people, primarily Republicans, insist the Bush policies were vital to protect the country, and the Obama administration is treading gingerly. When Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the Democratic chairman of the Judiciary Committee, proposed a commission to investigate torture and eavesdropping, President Obama didn’t embrace the idea.
Already grappling with two wars and an economic meltdown, Mr. Obama said he was “more interested in looking forward than I am in looking backwards.” But the door was ajar; he also declared that “nobody is above the law.”
Mr. Leahy is undeterred. In an interview, he laughed and described the president’s remarks as “an enthusiastic endorsement.” He said he would work to build support for the idea in Congress.
As a senator under seven presidents, Mr. Leahy said, he has learned that the temptation to abuse powers in a crisis is bipartisan, and the commission’s review should include the role of Democrats in Congress in approving the Bush policies. The work should be done in one year, he added, to avert accusations that it was being dragged out for political gain.
Mr. Obama’s most enthusiastic supporters remain passionate about “looking backwards,” arguing that the Bush policies darkened the United States’ reputation, to Al Qaeda’s benefit. They include Representative John Conyers of Michigan, the House Judiciary chairman, who has sponsored a bill to set up an investigative panel.
Many Republicans, however, say the lofty appeals to justice and history mask an unseemly and dangerous drive to pillory the Bush administration and hamstring the intelligence agencies.
That was precisely the view of an aide in Gerald Ford’s White House named Dick Cheney when a Senate committee led by Frank Church of Idaho looked into intelligence abuses in the mid-1970s. A quarter-century later, as vice president, Mr. Cheney would effectively wreak vengeance on that committee’s legacy, encouraging the National Security Agency to bypass the warrant requirement the committee had proposed and unleashing the Central Intelligence Agency he felt the committee had shackled.
If advocates of looking back have their way, what are the options? Some past inquiries offer models, each with different potential winners and losers.
A CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION (IRAN-CONTRA)
Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. said at his confirmation hearing that he, like Mr. Obama, did not want to “criminalize policy differences” by punishing officials for acts they believed were legal. The same language was used in 1992 by President George H. W. Bush when he pardoned six officials charged in the Iran-contra investigation. Mr. Bush called the charges “a profoundly troubling development in the history of our country: the criminalization of policy differences.”
The Iran-contra case illustrates the obstacles to any prosecution that unfolds in a polarized political atmosphere. An independent prosecutor, Lawrence E. Walsh, worked for six years to untangle shady arms deals, defiance of Congress and a cover-up. But because of the pardons and court rulings, the key figures escaped all punishment except large legal fees and damaged reputations.
The sharpest critics of the Bush programs insist that only prosecution can restore the law to its proper place. They note that some 100 terrorism suspects have died in American custody and say a prosecution for conspiracy to torture could target both the high-level officials who approved the likes of waterboarding and lawyers who justified it.
But many legal experts believe that the Justice Department would be hard pressed to prosecute as torture methods that the department itself declared in 2002 not to be torture. And if an important goal is to determine who devised the policies, a push to prosecute might only persuade past officials to lawyer up and clam up.
A CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATION (CHURCH)
If there is a close precedent for the investigation now being debated, it is the inquiry led by Senator Church in 1975-76, which recorded in stunning detail some of the darkest chapters in American history. Its reports chronicled the C.I.A.’s bumbling attempts to assassinate foreign leaders; the N.S.A.’s watchlisting of civil rights and antiwar activists; and the F.B.I.’s campaign to drive the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. to suicide.
The reports led directly to a series of reforms, including President Ford’s ban on assassinations, the creation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court to approve national-security eavesdropping and the establishment of Congressional oversight of the intelligence agencies.
But some Republicans saw Mr. Church as a showboat and his committee as overreaching. To Mr. Cheney, the Church legacy was a regrettable pruning of the president’s powers to protect the country — powers he and Bush administration lawyers reasserted after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.
A BLUE-RIBBON PANEL (9/11 COMMISSION)
Though Mr. Leahy praised the Church Committee, his own proposal would take the investigation away from Congress in favor of “a group of people universally recommended as fair minded.” He also suggested subpoena power and, perhaps most important, a South Africa-style trade-off: immunity for officials who testify truthfully.
Investigative commissions date at least to 1794, when George Washington used one to negotiate a settlement of the Whiskey Rebellion. The 9/11 commission, a recent example, largely overcame partisanship and drew generally positive reviews.
A commission would free Congress to focus on current problems, including the economic crisis. And promises of immunity might answer concerns expressed last month by the departing C.I.A. director, Michael V. Hayden — that any investigation would discourage intelligence officers from acting boldly for fear of later second-guessing.
DOING NOTHING
Or more accurately, finishing up and rolling out the inquiries already under way. Even if the push for a broad investigation loses momentum, the Bush programs will not soon be forgotten. Among major inquiries expected to conclude soon: a report from the Justice Department’s ethics office on legal opinions justifying harsh interrogations; the criminal investigation of the C.I.A.’s destruction of interrogation videotapes; and a report by the Justice Department inspector general on the N.S.A.’s warrantless eavesdropping.
Meanwhile, thousands of documents relating to secrets of the Bush years are being sought by journalists and advocates. Mr. Obama has directed agencies to lean strongly toward disclosure.
Frederick A. O. Schwarz Jr., who served as chief counsel for the Church Committee and has called for a new commission, said there is no telling what a thorough investigation may turn up. He recalled his shock as he sat in a secure room at the C.I.A. in 1975 and read that the agency had recruited the Mafia in a scheme to kill Fidel Castro.
“It may seem that we already know a lot,” Mr. Schwarz said. “But based on my experience, I’m certain there’s a lot that went on the last eight years that we still don’t know.”

Putting peace first

2009-02-23T10:02:00.002+09:00

Christine Ahn and Paul Liem at Berkeley argue it is essential to put peace first in dealing with the North Korea by pointing out it was recessive to have a "you do it first, then we would move" policy during the Bush administration compared to "let's do it together" stance of Clinton administration. However, the authors express their concerns on what shown by Hilary Clinton during her current visit to Asian nations rather resembles to the Bush's.

Obama government's stance on the Korean peninsula attracts very much attention within/outside the nation, and many experts are pouring out perspectives based on their own agendas and experiences. Whatever that may be, what we shouldn't forget is, as Ahm and Liem argued, to put peace first.

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By Christine Ahn and Paul Liem
Thursday, February 19, 2009
'If North Korea is genuinely prepared to completely and verifiably eliminate their nuclear weapons program," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said before she departed for Asia, "the Obama administration will be willing to normalize bilateral relations, replace the peninsula's longstanding armistice agreements with a permanent peace treaty, and assist in meeting the energy and other economic needs of the North Korean people."
Clinton's acknowledgment of the need to replace the armistice with a permanent peace treaty is a warm welcome to millions of Korean-Americans and Koreans hoping for a peaceful resolution to heightening tensions on the peninsula.
During her stop in Japan, however, she appeared to adopt the Bush administration's position that North Korea disarm as a precondition for normalization. Warning that a North Korean missile test would be "unhelpful" in moving relations with the U.S. forward, Clinton also stated, "If North Korea abides by the obligations it has already entered into and verifiably and completely eliminates its nuclear program, then there will be a reciprocal response certainly from the United States."
In the West, the conventional wisdom is that North Korea engages in "provocative" activity like missile testing in order to blackmail the United States into negotiations. What is forgotten, however, is that in the absence of an ongoing peace dialogue, the status quo between the United States and North Korea is that of two countries at war, held at bay only by a fragile truce.
For this reason, North Korea, as well as the United States and South Korea, routinely engage in war exercises and pursue modernization of their military technologies. In fact, the United States has committed to spending $10 billion on base construction in South Korea, and South Korea has begun to increase its military budget annually by 10 percent under its $665 billion Defense Reform 2020 Initiative.
For nearly eight years, the Bush administration threatened North Korea with dire consequences for not acquiescing to demands that it disarm its nuclear weapons program before receiving the benefits of U.S. friendship. As a result, not only did the North continue testing its missiles - it also tested a nuclear weapon in 2006. Today, whether the international community likes it or not, North Korea is a nuclear power.
But there is an alternative. A decade ago, North Korea agreed to a moratorium on its missile testing, and continued to mothball its plutonium reactor under an earlier agreed framework, as a result of a peace initiative launched during the Clinton administration. In this instance both countries agreed to take the first step toward peace together, not one before the other.
The Obama administration has a plateful of domestic and international crises before it. Fortunately, in the case of North Korea, there is a wealth of experience and lessons. The foremost of these is that while the "you disarm first" approach of the Bush administration proved to be disastrous, the "let's do this together" approach of the Clinton administration achieved positive results.
Failure to heed this hard-learned lesson, by an administration that pledged to pursue diplomacy over bluster and war, would be tragic.
Denuclearization of North Korea is still possible. But in the absence of a common commitment to peace secured by a permanent peace treaty, it is unlikely to occur.
James Laney, a former U.S. ambassador to South Korea, recently advised: "A peace treaty would provide a baseline for relationships, eliminating the question of the other's legitimacy and its right to exist. Absent such a peace treaty, every dispute presents afresh the question of the other side's legitimacy."
Let's dare to put peace first, for a change.
Christine Ahn is a fellow and Paul Liem is Chairman of the Korea Policy Institute.

김수환 추기경 선종; Cardinal Stephen Kim, 86, South Korea democracy advocate, dies

2009-02-16T19:11:00.002+09:00

Reuters
Monday, February 16, 2009
SEOUL: The first South Korean Roman Catholic cardinal, Stephen Kim, who used his pulpit as a platform to help bring down the country's authoritarian leaders and instill democracy, died Monday at the age of 86, a church official said.
The cardinal, also known as Kim Sou Hwan, was a staunch advocate of human rights and one of the key figures in bringing democracy to a country where military strongmen ruled for decades.
Kim became a cardinal in 1968 and expanded the Catholic Church in South Korea by appealing to students, workers and the educated.
"He expressed his deep interest and grave concern for the repressed and the underprivileged and did not hesitate to speak out on the oppressive political situation," according to his biography on his personal Web site.
Kim became an international figure in 1986 and 1987, when tens of thousands of South Koreans took to the streets in rallies calling for the end of military rule and the start of free elections.
His red brick cathedral in central Seoul became a rallying point for protests. Kim, who gave refuge to protesters sought by the police, called on the president at the time, Chun Doo Hwan, to allow for the country's first open presidential elections.
"He awakened the values of human rights and social justice in the South Korean society, guiding the nation towards democratization," said Ro Kil Myung, an expert on religion and a sociology professor at Korea University.
For many in South Korea, Kim was the moral conscience of the struggle.
"He was not politically motivated in spearheading the democracy movement," Ro said. "His actions were rather based on the spirit of Catholicism."
Kim delivered stinging sermons from his pulpit calling for democracy while the opposition leaders Kim Dae Jung and Kim Young Sam, who would both later become president, sat in front rows.
After the democracy struggles that resulted in South Korea's first open presidential election in 1987, Kim fought for better human rights protections for migrant foreign workers and for Japan to take greater responsibility for the damage it caused during its 1910-1945 colonial rule over Korea.
The number of Catholics in South Korea increased more than sixfold while Kim was cardinal, reaching 5.1 million in 2005 among a population of about 49 million, according to government figures.
Correction:
Notes:

Copyright © 2009 The International Herald Tribune www.iht.com
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(2보)(서울=연합뉴스) 정천기 기자 = 한국 가톨릭계를 대표하는 인물이자 정신적 지주 역할을 해온 김수환 추기경이 16일 오후 6시12분께 강남성모병원에서 선종(善終ㆍ서거를 뜻하는 천주교 용어)했다. 향년 87세. 1922년 5월 대구에서 출생한 고인은 1951년 사제품을 받았고 1966년 초대 마산교구장을 거쳐 1968년 대주교로 승품한 뒤 서울대교구장에 올랐다. 1969년 교황 바오로 6세에 의해 한국인 최초 추기경으로 서임된 고인은 천주교 주교회의 의장, 아시아 천주교 주교회의 구성 준비위원장 등을 역임한 뒤 1998년 정년(75세)을 넘기면서 서울대교구장에서 은퇴했다.

Statement by Historians in South Korea and Overseas Signatories to the Statement (November 10, 2008) South Korea

2009-02-13T17:11:00.003+09:00

전국 및 해외 역사학자 선언

방기중(연세대 사학과 교수) 강길중(경상대 사학과 교수) 강대민(경성대 사학과 교수) 강명길(서울시립대 대학원) 강문석(한국역사연구회 고대사분과) 강미자(경성대 한국학연구소 연구원) 강민철(가톨릭대 국사학과 석사과정) 강병식(역사실학회 회장) 강봉룡(목포대 교수) 강봉원(경주대 문화재학부) 강성길(광양제철고 교사) 강성봉(성균관대 박사과정) 강성호(순천대 인문학부 교수) 강영경(숙명여대) 강일휴(수원대 사학과 교수) 강재광(경기대 사학과 강사) 강정숙(성균관대 박사과정) 강정원(부산대 사학과) 강판권(계명대 사학과 교수) 강혜경(숙명여대 교수) 강혜라(가톨릭대 국사학과) 강호선(서울대 국사학과 대학원) 강효숙(진실화해위원회) 고동환(한국과학기술원 인문사회과학부 교수) 고영진(광주대 교수) 고원(경희대) 고정휴(포항공대 인문사회학부 교수) 고지훈(역사문제연구소 연구원) 고현아(가톨릭대) 곽차섭(부산대 사학과 교수) 구덕회(고척고 교사) 구도영(한국역사연구회 중세사2분과) 구만옥(경희대 사학과 교수) 구산우(창원대 사학과 교수) 구완회(세명대 교수) 권기철(부산외대 경제학과 교수) 권내현(고려대 역사교육과 교수) 권덕영(부산외대 교수) 권연웅(경북대 사학과 교수) 권영국(숭실대 사학과 교수) 권영배(계성중 교사) 권영오(대저중학교) 권오영(한신대 교수) 권오중(영남대 사학과) 권은주(경북대 사학과) 권인혁(제주대 사학과 교수) 권태억(서울대 국사학과 교수) 기경량(서울대 대학원) 기광서(조선대 교수) 김건태(성균관대 동아시아학술원 교수) 김경남(학습원대학 연구원) 김경란(성균관대 대동문화연구원 연구교수) 김경래(서울대 국사학과) 김경옥(목포대 연구교수) 김경일(한국학중앙연구원 교수) 김광철(동아대 사학과 교수) 김기봉(경기대 사학과 교수) 김기섭(부산대 사학과 교수) 김기승(순천향대 교수) 김기주(호남사학회 교수) 김남석(충남호서고) 김남섭(서울산업대 교수) 김남윤(역사학연구소) 김대래(신라대 경제학과 교수) 김도형(연세대 사학과 교수) 김도훈(국민대) 김돈(서울산업대 교수) 김동수(전남대 사학과 교수) 김동전(제주대 사학과 교수) 김동진(한국교원대 역사교육과 강사) 김동철(부산대 사학과 교수) 김두현(울산대 역사문화학과 교수) 김락기(인하대 사학과 강사) 김명진(경북대 강사) 김무진(계명대 교수) 김문기(부경대 사학과) 김문식(단국대 사학과 교수) 김미엽(성신여대 인문과학연구소 연구원) 김미현(성균관대 박사과정) 김민석(한양대 대학원 박사과정) 김민철(민족문제연구소) 김배철(청주교대 교수) 김백철(서울대규장각) 김병우(대구한의대) 김보영(한양대 강사) 김봉렬(경남대 인문학부 교수) 김선경(역사학연구소) 김선미(부산대 사학과) 김선호(한국학중앙연구원 박사과정) 김성보(연세대 사학과 부교수) 김성우(대구한의대 교수) 김성준(서울대 대학원) 김세봉(단국대 동양학연구소) 김소남(한국역사연구회 현대사분과) 김수현(한양대 사학과 박사과정) 김순덕(서울대규장각 선임연구원) 김순자(한신대 학술연구교수) 김승(부산대 사학과 강사) 김승태(민족문제연구소 연구위원) 김시황(경북대 한문학과 명예교수) 김연희(서울시립대 대학원) 김영미(국민대일본학연구소) 김영미(이화여대 사학전공 교수) 김영범(대구대 교수) 김영진(성균관대 사학과 박사과정) 김영희(연세대 국학연구원) 김용선(한림대 사학과 교수) 김용흠(연세대 국학연구원 연구교수) 김우택(서울대 국사학과 박사과정) 김웅호(서울시립대 서울학연구소 수석연구원) 김윤경(서울대 서양사학과 강사) 김은경(숙명여대) 김은숙(한국교원대 역사교육과 교수) 김의환(충북대) 김익한(명지대 기록정보과학전문대학원 교수) 김인걸(서울대 국사학과 교수) 김인호(광운대 교양학부 교수) 김인호(한양사이버대 교수) 김재웅(고려대 대학원 박사과정) 김정숙(영남대 국사학과 교수) 김정인(춘천교대 교수) 김종은(숙명여대 대학원 박사과정) 김종준(서울대규장각 선임연구원) 김주란(경북대 사학과) 김주영(독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 연구원) 김주완(한국제노사이드연구회) 김준혁(중앙대 강사) 김준형(경상대 역사교육과 교수) 김지수(전남대 법학과 부교수) 김지연(국립중앙박물관) 김지영(숙명여대 한국사학과 박사과정) 김지희(숙명여대 한국사학과 박사과정) 김진영(민족문제연구소 연구원) 김진한(한국학중앙연구원 박사과정) 김창록(경북대 법과대학 교수) 김충현(충남대 사학과) 김태영(경희대 사학과 명예교수) 김태우(서울대 강사) 김태웅(서울대 역사교육과 교수) 김한종(한국교원대 역사교육과 교수) 김항기(동국대 사학과 석사과정) 김현숙(동북아역사재단 연구위원) 김형국(포항해양과학고) 김형수(한국국학진흥원) 김호범(부산대 경제학과 교수) 김훈식(인제대 역사고고학과 교수) 김희곤(안동대 사학과 교수) 김희교(광운대 교수) 김희선(서울시립대 국사학과 강사) 나애자(한국역사연구회 근대사분과) 나희라(진주산업대 교양학부 교수) 남기현(성균관대 사학과 박사과정) 남동신(덕성여대 사학과 교수) 남무희(국민대) 남미전(동아대 사학과) 남재우(창원대 사학과 교수) 남종국(동국대 사학과 교수) 남지대(서원대 역사교육과 교수) 남철호(대구사학회) 노명환(한국외대 사학과 교수) 노영기(조선대) 노중국(계명대 사학과 교수) 도면회(대전대 역사문화학과 교수) 도현철(연세대 교수) 라정숙(숙명여대 대학원 박사과정) 류승렬(강원대 교수) 류영철(영남대 강사) 류은하(영산대 시간강사) 류준범(역사문제연구소 연구원) 류한수(상명대 교수) 류현희(한국역사연구회 고대사분과) 문수현(경희대 인문학연구원 연구교수) 문영주(역사문제연구소 연구원) 문용식(고려대 강사) 문용호(양산제일고) 문중양(서울대 국사학과 교수) 문창로(국민대 사학과 교수) 민덕기(청주대 역사문화 교수) 민유기(광운대 교양학부 조교수) 박건주(전남대 사학과 강사) 박걸순(충북대 사학과 교수) 박경수(강릉대 일본학과 교수) 박광명(동국대 사학과 석사과정) 박광연(한국역사연구회 중세사1분과) 박대재(고려대 한국사학과 교수) 박만규(전남대 역사교육과 교수) 박맹수(원광대 사학과 교수) 박상철(전남대 사학과 교수) 박선애(동명대 교수) 박성준(서울대규장각) 박수현(민족문제연구소) 박순준(동의대 사학과 교수) 박우룡(서강대 연구교수) 박원용(부경대 사학과 교수) 박원홍(고려대 한국사학과) 박유미(상명대 대학원 박사과정) 박윤선(상해복단대 한국연구중심) 박윤재(연세대 연구교수) 박은경(동아대 고고미술사학과 교수) 박은경(동아대 고고미술사학과 교수) 박은숙(서울시사편찬위원회) 박정애(숙명여대 사학과) 박종기(국민대 국사학과 교수) 박종린(성균관대 동아시아학술원 연구교수) 박종진(숙명여대 한국사학과 교수) 박준성(역사학연구소) 박준형(한국역사연구회 고대사분과) 박지영(동아대 사학과 석사) 박진빈(경희대 사학과 교수) 박진우(숙명여대 일본학과 교수) 박진태(대진대 사학과 교수)박진훈(명지대 사학과 조교수) 박진희(한국역사연구회 현대사분과) 박찬규(단국대 동양학연구소) 박찬문(제주대 사학과 교수) 박찬승(한양대 사학과 교수) 박찬흥(고려대 연구교수) 박천수(경북대 교수) 박철하(숭실대 강사) 박태균(서울대 교수) 박평식(청주교대 사회과교육과 교수) 박현순(서울대규장각) 박호성(서강대 교수) 박화진(부경대 사학과 교수) 박환(수원대 사학과 교수) 박흥식(서울대 서양사학과 교수) 반병률(한국외대 사학과 교수) 방지원(신라대 교수) 배병욱(동아대 사학과 강사) 배석만(부산대 한국민족문화연구소 연구원) 배영순(영남대 국사학과 교수) 배은아(이화여대) 백길남(연세대 사학과 석사졸업) 백승옥(부산경남사학회) 백승철(연세대 국학연구원 교수) 백영미 백영서(연세대 사학과 교수) 변광석(부산대 강사) 변동명(전남대 이순신해양문화연구소 부교수) 변정심(대구가톨릭대 역사교육과 외래강사) 서명일(고려대 박물관) 서영건(부산대 사학과) 서인원(한성대 강사) 서정복(충남대 명예교수) 서정훈(울산대 역사문화학과 교수) 서종태(호남교회사연구소 연구실장) 서중석(성균관대 사학과 교수) 성백용(한남대 사학과 교수) 소현숙(한양대) 손동유(한국역사연구회 근대사분과) 손병규(성균관대 동아시아학술원 HK교수) 손승회(영남대 사학과 교수) 손정미(대가야박물관) 손철배(성균관대 동아시아학술원) 송규범(서원대 역사교육과 교수) 송용덕(서울대 국사학과) 송웅섭(서울대규장각 연구원) 송찬섭(방송대 문화교양학과 교수) 송호상(계명대 사학과 강사) 송호정(한국교원대 역사교육과 교수) 신경철(부산대 고고학과) 신동하(동덕여대 국사학과 전공) 신민철(서울대 과학사및과학철학 박사과정) 신세라(모스크바국립대 역사학부 박사과정) 신순철(원광대 사학과 교수) 신안식(숙명여대 다문화통합연구소 연구교수) 신영희(부산대 사학과) 신은제(동아대 사학과 강사) 신주백(서울대규장각) 신태갑(동아대 사학과 교수) 심재석(방송대 강사) 심재우(한국학중앙연구원 교수) 심재훈(단국대 사학과 교수) 심철기(연세대 대학원 박사과정) 안병우(한신대 국사학과 교수) 안환(부산경남사학회) 양명수(이화여대) 양미숙(동아대 강사) 양상진(삼괴중) 양상현(울산대 역사문화학과 교수) 양정심(성균관대) 양정현(부산대 교수) 양흥숙(부산대 한국민족문화연구소) 여호규(한국외대 사학과 부교수) 연갑수(서울역사박물관) 염복규(역사문제연구소 연구원) 염운옥(고려대) 염정섭(전북대 HK교수) 예대열(고려대 한국사학과 박사과정) 오보경(충남대 대학원 석사과정) 오부윤(인덕대 교수) 오수창(한림대 사학과 교수) 오영교(연세대 역사문화학과 교수) 오인택(부산교대 사회교육과 교수) 오정우(광주여대 교수) 오제연(서울대 국사학과 대학원) 오종록(성신여대 사학과 부교수) 오항녕(충북대) 오흥식(성균관대 사학과 시간강사) 왕현종(연세대 역사문화학과 교수) 우인수(경북대 교수) 원영미(울산대 역사문화학과 강사) 위은숙(영남대 민족문화연구소) 유경순(역사학연구소 연구원) 유승원(가톨릭대 교수) 유승희(서울시립대 HK교수) 유영옥(부산대 인문한국 HK연구교수) 유장근(경남대 교수) 유재건(부산대 사학과 교수) 유현(동아대 사학과) 유현경(고령군 대가야박물관) 유현재(서울대규장각) 윤경로(한성대 총장) 윤경진(경상대 사학과 교수) 윤대원(서울대규장각 책임연구원) 윤덕영(역사문제연구소 연구원) 윤시원(성균관대 사학과 석사과정) 윤용출(부산대 역사교육과 교수) 윤용혁(공주대 교수) 윤원영(경희대 사학과) 윤재석(경북대 사학과 교수) 윤지현(울산대 역사문화학과) 은정태(대림대 강사) 이강래(전남대 사학과 교수) 이강한(인하대 BK21사업단) 이개석(경북대사학과 교수) 이경구(전북대 사학과 교수) 이경구(한림대 한림과학원 HK연구교수) 이경미(한국외대 사학과 박사과정) 이광수(부산외대 러시아인도통상학부 교수) 이광욱(동아대 사학과 강사) 이규철(가톨릭대 국사학과) 이기영(동아대 사학과 교수) 이기훈(목포대 역사문화학부 교수) 이동인(임원경제연구소) 이동헌(한양대 강사) 이명선(숙명여대 석사과정) 이명숙(경희대) 이문기(경북대 역사교육과 교수) 이민아(서울대 국사학과 대학원) 이병례(성균관대) 이병휴(경북대 역사교육과 명예교수) 이병희(한국교원대 역사교육과 교수) 이상길(경남대 교수) 이상의(연세대 국학연구원) 이상찬(서울대 교수) 이석규(한양대 사학과 교수) 이선아(성균관대 사학과 박사과정) 이성임(서울대규장각 연구원) 이성주(강릉대 사학과 부교수) 이성환(계명대 일본학과 교수) 이세영(한신대 국사학과 교수) 이송순(한국역사연구회 근대사분과) 이송희(신라대 사학과 교수) 이수원(민주화운동기념사업회) 이수환(영남대 국사학과 교수) 이승렬(연세대 사학과) 이승민(가톨릭대 대학원생) 이승민(동국대 강사) 이신철(성균관대 연구교수) 이애숙(연세대 대학원 박사과정) 이영석(광주대 외국어학부 교수) 이영애(경기도 박물관) 이영학(한국외대 교수) 이영호(인하대 사학과 교수) 이용기(성균관대 동아시아학술원) 이용재(전북대 사학과 교수) 이용창(민족문제연구소 책임연구원) 이우석(한국역사연구회 중세사1분과) 이욱(한국국학진흥원) 이원배(고려대 한국사학과 고대사전공) 이윤갑(계명대 사학과 교수) 이윤상(창원대 사학과 교수) 이임하(성균관대) 이정민(서울대 국사학과 강사) 이정빈(경희대 사학과) 이정선(서울대 대학원) 이정숙(부산가톨릭대) 이정신(한남대 사학과 교수) 이정은(역사문제연구소) 이정호(고려대 BK21한국사학교육연구단) 이정훈(한국역사연구회 중세사1분과) 이종범(조선대 교수) 이종봉(부산대 사학과 교수) 이종서(울산대 역사문화학과 교수) 이주현(한남대 사학과 교수) 이주환(한국역사연구회 현대사분과) 이준구(대구한의대 교수) 이진모(한남대 사학과 교수) 이진옥(부산대 사학과 강사) 이진한(고려대 교수) 이태훈(연세대 강사) 이필은(나사렛대) 이학수(부산경남사학회) 이한상(대전대 교수) 이항준(서울여대 사학과) 이해준(공주대 사학과 교수) 이현숙(이화여대 한국문화연구원) 이현진(서울대규장각) 이형우(영남대 교수) 이혜민(연세대 사학과 강사) 이혜옥(한국외대) 이호룡(한국역사연구회 현대사분과) 이환병(등촌고 교사) 이효형(부산대 한국민족문화연구소 연구원) 임경석(성균관대 사학과 교수) 임민혁(역사실학회 총무이사) 임병훈(경북대 사학과 교수) 임선화(전남대 박사과정) 임세권(안동대 사학과 교수) 임송자(성균관대 연구교수) 임학성(인하대 한국학연구소 교수) 임헌영(역사문제연구소 운영위원) 임혜련(숙명여대 강사) 장동표(부산대 역사교육과 교수) 장미애(가톨릭대) 장병인(충남대 국사학과 교수) 장선화(동아대 사학과) 장성준(한신대 국사학과 석사과정) 장세룡(부산대 한국민족문화연구소 HK교수) 장신(역사문제연구소 연구원) 장연옥(계명대학교 한국학연구원 방문교수) 장영민(상지대 교수) 장영숙(상명대) 장준철(원광대 사학과 교수) 전경숙(숙명여대 박사) 전국역사교사모임() 전덕재(경주대 교양과정부 교수) 전명혁(한국외대) 전영섭(부산대 역사교육과 강사) 전영욱(서울시립대 대학원생) 전영준(중앙대 연구교수) 전우용(서울대병원 병원역사문화센터 교수) 전제현(국민대 박사과정) 전진성(부산교대 사회교육과 교수) 전현수(경북대 사학과 교수) 전형택(전남대 역사교육과 교수) 전호태(울산대 역사문화학과 교수) 정동락(대가야박물관) 정동준(성균관대BK21사업단 박사후연구원) 정동훈(서울대 대학원) 정미성(서울대 국사학과 강사) 정병삼(숙명여대 한국사학과 교수) 정병욱(역사문제연구소 연구원) 정성일(광주여대 교수) 정숭교(한국역사연구회 근대사분과) 정연태(가톨릭대 국사학과 교수) 정요근(숙명여대 다문화통합연구소 연구원) 정용욱(서울대 국사학과 교수) 정재훈(경상대 사학과) 정재훈(서울대 HK연구원) 정진상(경상대 사회학과 교수) 정진아(성균관대 동아시아학술원 연구교수) 정진영(안동대 사학과 교수) 정창렬(한양대 명예교수) 정창현(국민대 교양과정부 겸임교수) 정태헌(고려대 한국사학과 교수) 정학수(숙명여대 다문화통합연구소 연구원) 정해은(군사편찬연구소) 정현백(성균관대 교수) 정호훈(연세대 국학연구원) 조경철(연세대 사학과 강사) 조광(고려대 한국사학과 교수) 조규태(한국민족운동사학회 연구이사) 조낙영(서울대 강사) 조명근(역사문제연구소 연구원) 조미은(성균관대 박사과정) 조병로(경기대 사학과 교수) 조성운(교토대학 인문과학연구소) 조세열(민족문제연구소) 조세현(부경대 사학과 교수) 조승래(청주대 교수) 조영광(경북대 사학과 강사) 조원래(순천대 사학전공 교수) 조원옥(부산대 사학과 강사) 조윤선(청주대 교수) 조재곤(한국역사연구회 근대사분과) 조준희(대종교) 주경미(부경대 인문사회과학연구소 연구교수) 주명철(한국교원대 역사교육과 교수) 주웅영(대구교육대 사회과 교수) 진상원(동아대 사학과) 차미희(이화여대 사회생활과 교수) 차선혜(경희대) 차인배(동국대 강사) 차철욱(부산대 한국민족문화연구소) 채상식(부산대 사학과 교수) 채웅석(가톨릭대 국사학과 교수) 최갑수(서울대 서양사학과 교수) 최경선(연세대 사학과 석사졸업) 최덕경(부산대 사학과 교수) 최보영(동국대 대학원 사학과) 최연식(목포대 역사문화학과 교수) 최연주(동의대 사학과 교수) 최영심(김해외국어고) 최영태(전남대 사학과 교수) 최원규(부산대 교수) 최윤오(연세대 사학과 교수) 최은진(한양대 석사과정) 최인기(한국역사연구회 중세사2분과) 최진규(조선대 사학과 교수) 최해룡(대구청소년대안교육원) 최현미(경북대 사학과 강사) 최혜주(한양대 연구교수) 최홍조(경북대 강사) 하세봉(한국해양대 동아시아학과 교수) 하유식(부산대) 하일식(연세대 사학과 교수) 하종문(한신대 일본지역학과 교수) 하지영(동아대 사학과) 한명근(숭실대 박물관) 한명기(명지대 사학과 교수) 한모니까(가톨릭대) 한문종(전북대 교수) 한봉석(성균관대 사학과 박사과정) 한상권(덕성여대 사학과 교수) 한성민(동국대 사학과 강사) 한성욱(한국문화유산연구원) 한승훈(고려대 한국사학과 박사수료) 한시준(단국대 역사학과 교수) 한운석(고려대 교수) 한정숙(서울대 서양사학과 교수) 한정훈(부산대 사학과) 한창균(한남대 역사교육과 교수) 한철호(동국대 역사교육과 교수) 한홍구(성공회대 교수) 한희숙(숙명여대 한국사학과 교수) 함순섭(국립대구박물관) 허수(동덕여대 연구교수) 허신혜(홍익대 강사) 허영란(울산대 역사문화학과 교수) 허원(서원대 역사교육과 교수) 허원영(한국학중앙연구원 장서각 연구원) 허은(고려대 한국사학과 교수) 허종(충남대 국사학과 교수) 허태용(고려대 강사) 현재열(부산대 사학과) 현종철(경희대 박사과정) 홍문기(서울대 국사학과) 홍석률(성신여대 조교수) 홍순권(동아대 사학과 교수) 홍순민(명지대 교수) 홍영기(순천대 인문학부 교수) 홍영의(숙명여대 연구교수) 홍정완(역사문제연구소 연구원) 황병주(역사문제연구소 연구원) 황보영조(경북대 사학과 교수) 황인정(이화여대 사학과)

Overseas

Charles Armstrong, Professor, Columbia University
Donald Baker, Professor, University of British Columbia
Edward J. Baker, Professor, Hanyang University
Remco E. Breuker, Researcher, Leiden University
Mark Caprio, Professor, Rikkyo University
Edward Chang, Professor, University of California at Riverside
Kornel Chang, Professor, University of Connecticut
Hyaeweol Choi, Professor, Arizona State University
Jennifer Jihye Chun, Professor, University of British Columbia
Hye Seung Chung, Professor, University of Hawaii at Manoa
Michael Chwe, Professor, UCLA
Donald N. Clark, Professor, Trinity University
Nicole Cohen, Postdoctoral Fellow, Columbia University
Bruce Cumings, Professor, University of Chicago
Lisa Kim Davis, Professor, UCLA
Brett de Bary, Professor, Cornell University
Koen De Ceuster, Professor, Leiden University
John DiMoia, Professor, National University of Singapore
Jamie Doucette, Lecturer, University of British Columbia
Alexis Dudden, Professor, University of Connecticut
John Duncan, Professor, UCLA
Thomas Duvernay, Professor, Handong Global University
Carter J. Eckert, Professor, Harvard University
Marion Eggert, Professor, Ruhr University
Henry Em, Professor, Korea University
Stephen Epstein, Professor, Victoria University of Wellington
John Feffer, Editor, Foreign Policy in Focus
Norma Field, Professor, University of Chicago
Takashi Fujitani, Professor, University of California, San Diego
Mel Gurtov, Professor, University of Oregon
Dennis Hart, Professor, University of Pittsburgh
Martin Hart-Landsberg, Professor, Lewis and Clark College
Laura Hein, Professor, Northwestern University
Todd A. Henry, Professor, Colorado State University
Christine Hong, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of California, Berkeley
Theodore Hughes, Professor, Columbia University
Kyung Moon Hwang, Professor, University of Southern California
Sheila Miyoshi Jager, Professor, Oberlin College
Roger L. Janelli, Professor, Indiana University
Kelly Jeong, Professor, University of California, Riverside
Jennifer Jung-Kim, Editor, UCLA
George Kallander, Professor, Syracuse University
Namsoon Kang, Professor, Texas Christian University
Ken Kawashima, Professor, University of Toronto
Daniel Y. Kim, Professor, Brown University
Elaine Kim, Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Hyung-A Kim, Professor, Australian National University
Jina Kim, Professor, Smith College
Joy Kim, Professor, Princeton University
Jungwon Kim, Professor, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
Kyung Hyun Kim, Professor, University of California, Irvine
Sang-Hyun Kim, Postdoctoral Fellow, Harvard University
Sun-Chul Kim, Professor, Barnard College/Columbia University
Sun Joo Kim, Professor, Harvard University
Suzy Kim, Professor, Boston College
Taik Kyun Kim, Professor, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Thomas P. Kim, Professor, Scripps College
Youngnan Kim-Paik, Professor, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee
Ross King, Professor, University of British Columbia
Lev R. Kontsevich, Researcher, Russian Academy of Sciences
Hagen Koo, Professor, University of Hawaii at Manoa
J. Victor Koschmann, Professor, Cornell University
Tae Yang Kwak, Professor, Ramapo College of New Jersey
Nayoung Aimee Kwon, Professor, Duke University
Gari Ledyard, Professor, Columbia University
Eun-Jeung Lee, Professor, Free University Berlin
James Kyung-Jin Lee, Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara
Namhee Lee, Professor, UCLA
Timothy S. Lee, Professor, Texas Christian University
Walter K. Lew, Professor, University of Miami
John Lie, Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Ramsay Liem, Professor, Boston College
Richard D. McBride, Professor, Brigham Young University
Gavan McCormack, Professor, Australian National University
Yong Soon Min, Professor, University of California, Irvine
Seungsook Moon, Professor, Vassar College
Jane Myong, Professor, Sinclair Community College
Sung-Deuk Oak, Professor, UCLA
Robert Oppenheim, Professor, University of Texas, Austin
Hyung Il Pai, Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara
Gary Pak, Professor, University of Hawaii at Manoa
Albert L. Park, Professor, Claremont McKenna College
Andrew Sung Park, Professor, United Theological Seminary
Chan Park, Professor, Ohio State University
Eugene Y. Park, Professor, University of California, Irvine
Jin Young Park, Professor, American University
Pori Park, Professor, Arizona State University
Samuel Perry, Professor, Brown University
Michael J. Pettid, Professor, State University of New York at Binghamton
Leslie Pincus, Professor, University of Michigan
Janet Poole, Professor, University of Toronto
Jorge Rafael Di Masi, Professor, National University of La Plata
Michael E. Robinson, Professor, Indiana University
Lawrence Rogers, Professor, University of Hawaii at Hilo
Alfredo Romero Castilla, Professor, National University of Mexico
Youngju Ryu, Professor, University of Michigan
Naoki Sakai, Professor, Cornell University
Wesley Sasaki-Uemura, Professor, University of Utah
Werner Sasse, Professor, University of Hamburg
Andre Schmid, Professor, University of Toronto
Mark Selden, Professor, State University of New York at Binghamton
Jungmin Seo, Professor, University of Hawaii, Manoa
Gi-Wook Shin, Professor, Stanford University
Edward J. Shultz, Professor, University of Hawaii, Manoa
Tatiana Simbirtseva, Lecturer, Russian State University for the Humanities
Eric Sirotkin, Chair, National Lawyers Guild Korean Peace Project
Min Suh Son, Professor, Johns Hopkins University
Jesook Song, Professor, University of Toronto
Min Hyoung Song, Professor, Boston College
Jae-Jung Suh, Professor, SAIS-Johns Hopkins University
Serk Bae Suh, Professor, University of California, Irvine
Seung Hye Suh, Professor, Scripps College
Vladimir Tikhonov (Pak Noja), Professor, Oslo University
Jun Uchida, Professor, Stanford University
So Jung Um, Graduate Student, University of Michigan
Luc Walhain, Professor, St. Thomas University
Boudewijn Walraven, Professor, Leiden University
Kenneth Wells, Professor, Australian National University
Rob Wilson, Professor, University of California, Santa Cruz
Hyangsoon Yi, Professor, University of Georgia
Theodore Jun Yoo, Professor, University of Hawaii at Manoa
Kyoim Yun, Professor, University of Kansas
----------------------BEGIN-----------------
Sent by: Do Myoun-Hoi [To Myon-hoe], Chairperson, Organization of Korean Historians (Han’guk yoksa yon’guhoe)

Translated and forwarded by the Steering Committee, Alliance of Scholars Concerned about Korea (ASCK)

Statement by Historians in South Korea and OverseasWe [the undersigned] demand that the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology stop the revision of [high school] history textbooks, undermining the principle of political neutrality in education.

On October 8th, twenty one academic associations related to the field of history held a press conference, criticizing the government’s plan to revise modern Korean history textbooks [used in high schools].The following day, the Joint Committee for the Resolution of the History Textbook Issue, composed of 39 groups – including the National Association of History Teachers, National University Workers’ Union, and Asia Peace and History Education Network – also held a press conference in front of the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology.They did so because, instead of safeguarding political neutrality in education and respecting historical expertise, the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology has brought about a crisis in historical research and education. But the Ministry has refused to acknowledge such criticism/opposition, and continues to stick to its plans for revision.On October 15th, the Ministry announced that it would “pursue a balanced revision of textbooks by the end of November reflecting the academic and educational perspectives in a comprehensive manner” by utilizing the report submitted by the National Institute ofKorean History entitled “Review of modern Korean history textbooks and Proposed Guidelines for Narration” and the participation of the Association of Experts in History Education made up of teachers, educational professionals and professors.The textbooks that the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology plans to revise had already been reviewed in 2004, 2005 and 2006, and [in those reviews] were not judged to be “left-leaning.” If the revisions are carried out [only] because the new President, Lee Myung-bak, proposed such changes as part of his so-called policy of “normalization of textbooks,” will future administrations also revise textbooks whenever there is a change in government? If that were to happen, political neutrality in education will be undermined, and there will be a proliferation of research on modern Korean history that caters solely to the government in power.Moreover, the way the Ministry has pursued the revision of history textbooks does not conform to the Regulations concerning Textbooks. According to these regulations, the Ministry may order the authors or the publishers to revise the contents, and if such orders go unheeded, the Ministry may revoke its official approval or suspend publication and circulation of the textbooks within one year. But even in such cases, the regulations have no provisions for the direct revision of textbooks by the government [as the government threatens to do].The report submitted by the National Institute of Korean History did make note of 49 different revisions to be made in the textbooks to enhance validity and fairness, avoiding bias in historical interpretation, but did not provide detailed guidelines for the 257 different expressions deemed problematic by the Ministry.It is of grave concern that the current attempt to revise history textbooks appears to be driven by a specific political agenda to homogenize history textbooks, as demanded by the "New Right" and parts of the governing group.First, the Ministry’s revision of history textbooks, by allowing only one historical interpretation, prevents diverse interpretations, based on accumulated historical research,from being reflected in the textbooks. This suppression of diversity leads to the repression of academic freedom in research and publication.Second, the Ministry’s revisions will further narrow the range of historical interpretations that had been guaranteed to some extent under the textbook authorization system. This distortion of the textbook authorization system will result in the publication of authorized textbooks that are no different from the government authored textbooks that were published under the Yushin System. This will result in the infringement of history teachers’ right to teach, and students’ right to learn.Third, the homogenization of history education will undermine students’ creative and spontaneous learning and furthermore hamper the cultivation of open-ended and pluralistic thought necessary in the age of globalization.Because the Ministry’s attempt to revise history textbooks will inevitably lead to the erosion of academic freedom and political neutrality in education, we, the undersigned scholars of history, hereby launch a nation-wide signature campaign and make the following demands:1. The Ministry must respect the research findings of historians and guarantee political neutrality in education.1. The Ministry must listen to the voices of historians and drop its plan to revise history textbooks for political purposes.1. The Ministry must stop exerting unjust external pressure on the publishers and the writers of history textbooks.

전국 역사학자 선언교육과학기술부는 교육의 정치적 중립성을 훼손하는 교과서 수정 작업을 중단하라!지난 10월 8일 전국의 21개 역사학 관련 학회는 정부의 한국 근현대사 교과서 수정 시도에 대해 그 부당함을 지적하는 기자회견을 한 바 있다. 이튿날에는 전국역사교사모임 등 교사 단체와 전국대학노동조합, 아시아평화와역사교육연대 등 39개 단체로 구성된 ‘교과서문제 해결을 위한 공동대책위원회’가 교육과학기술부 앞에 모여 역사 교과서 수정 시도를 중단하라는 기자회견을 하였다. 역사학의 전문성을 존중하고 교육의 정치적 중립성을 보장해야 할 교육과학기술부가 오히려 역사 연구와 교육의 위기를 초래하고 있다고 판단했기 때문이다.그럼에도 불구하고 교과부는 이러한 움직임에 대해서는 모르쇠로 일관하고 제 갈 길만 가고 있다. 10월 15일 국사편찬위원회로부터 제출받은 ｢한국근현대사 교과서 검토 및 서술방향 제언｣이란 보고서와 교원․교육전문직․교수 등으로 구성한 역사교육전문가협의회란 조직을 활용하여 11월 말까지 ‘학술적․교육적 측면을 종합적으로 반영한 균형잡힌 교과서 수정․보완을 추진’하겠다고 하였다.그런데 교과부가 수정․보완하겠다는 현행 교과서는 이미 2004년, 2005년, 2006년 세 차례에 걸쳐 ‘좌편향’이 아니라고 확인해 주었던 바로 그 교과서이다. 정권이 바뀌고 이명박 대통령이 ‘교과서 정상화’라는 미명 하에 역사교과서 수정 의지를 밝혔다고 하여 이전에 내렸던 결론을 번복한다면, 향후 정권이 다시 바뀔 경우에도 그 정권의 요구대로 교과서를 수정할 것인가? 그렇게 될 경우 대한민국에서 교육의 정치적 중립성은 보장될 수 없을 것이며 한국 근현대사 연구 또한 정권의 입맛에 맞는 연구만 무성해질 것이다.게다가 현재 교과부가 추진하고 있는 교과서 수정 방식은 ｢교과용도서에관한규정｣에도 없는 불법적 행태이다. 동 법령에는 교과부가 저작자 또는 발행자에게 수정을 명하고 이에 불복할 경우 검정 합격을 취소하거나 1년 이내 발행을 정지시키는 등의 조치를 취할 수 있을 뿐, 직권 수정이란 조항은 어디에도 없다.교과부에 제출된 국사편찬위원회의 보고서에도 역사 해석의 편향성을 피하면서 교과서 내용의 타당성과 공정성을 높이는 것이 필요하다고 하여 49개 항의 교과서 서술 방향을 제시하였을 뿐, 교과부가 요청한 257개 표현에 대한 구체적인 수정 지침이 없다.결국 교과부의 수정 시도에는 뉴라이트라는 특정 정파와 집권 세력 일각에서 요구하는 대로 교과서의 내용을 획일적으로 바꾸겠다는 정치적 의도가 깔려 있다고 보지 않을 수 없으며, 이는 다음 몇 가지 점에서 심히 우려된다.첫째, 교과부의 교과서 수정 작업은 오직 한 가지 역사 해석만 서술하게 함으로써 그동안 축적된 다양한 역사 연구 성과가 교과서에 반영될 수 없게 만들 것이다. 이는 곧 학문 연구와 출판의 자유를 억압하는 결과를 초래할 것이다.둘째, 불완전하나마 검인정 교과서 제도에서 보장되었던 다양한 역사 해석의 폭이 줄어들고 검정제도를 왜곡시켜, 유신체제하의 국정 교과서와 다름없는 검인정 교과서를 양산하게 될 것이며, 이는 역사 교사의 교권과 학생들의 학습권을 침해하는 결과를 낳을 것이다.셋째, 획일적인 역사 교육은 학생들의 창의적이고 주도적인 학습을 저해하고 나아가서 국제화 시대에 필요한 개방적이고 다원적인 사고 능력 양성에 치명적인 독소 작용을 할 것이다.요컨대, 교과부의 교과서 수정 시도는 학문의 자유와 교육의 정치적 중립성을 훼손할 것이 틀림없기에 우리 역사학자들은 다시금 교과부에 다음과 같은 요구를 제출하며, 우리의 정당한 의사를 관철하기 위하여 전국적인 서명 운동에 돌입하는 바이다.1. 교육과학기술부는 역사학계의 연구 성과를 존중하고 교육의 정치적 중립성을 보장하라!1. 교육과학기술부는 역사학계의 목소리를 겸허히 수용하여 현재 정치적인 목적 하에 진행하고 있는 교과서 수정 작업을 중단하라!1. 교육과학기술부는 교과서 출판사와 집필자에 대한 부당한 외압을 중단하라!

First Compensation Package from the ROK government over the Bereaved Families of Ulsan Bodo League Victims

2009-02-10T17:15:00.003+09:00

The Bodo League, a.k.a., the National Guidance Alliance [국민보도연맹 in Korean], was a government subsidized organization to have those with the leftist leaning tendency registered and aim to convert them into the prevailing ideology of the time in the ROK. Later (shortly before the war and the beginning stage of the Korean War), those registered in the League were regarded as direct threats to the state, became subjects to a large number of massacres and summary executions. The South Korea's Central District Court ruled today, the government is responsible for the victims of Ulsan Bodo League Massacres, and thus providing compensation for their losses. Regardless of the scale of the compensation package, the ruling is significant since it is the first of the same kind.

법원 "울산보도연맹 유족에 200억 배상"보도연맹 사건 관련 국가 배상 첫 인정(서울=연합뉴스) 이세원 기자 = 보도연맹 사건 희생자 유족에게 국가가 200억 원대의 배상금을 지급해야 한다는 법원의 첫 판결이 내려졌다. 서울중앙지법 민사합의19부(지영철 부장판사)는 10일 울산 국민보도연맹 사건으로 숨진 장모씨의 아들 등 유족 508명이 국가를 상대로 제기한 손해배상 청구 소송에서 "국가는 유족에게 합계 51억4천600여만 원을 지급하라"고 판결했다.
법원이 지급을 명한 금액은 1950년을 기준으로 한 액수이고 선고 당일까지 매년 5％의 지연 이자를 지급해야 하는 점을 고려하면 실제 배상액은 200억여 원에 달한다. 정부가 좌익관련자를 전향시키고 이들을 통제하기 위해 1949∼1950년 조직한 국민보도연맹은 대외적으로는 전향자로 구성된 좌익전향자 단체임을 표방했지만 실제로는 관변단체의 성격을 띠었다. 6ㆍ25 전쟁이 터지자 당시 장석윤 내무부 치안국장은 전국의 보도연맹원 등을 즉시 구속하라고 지시했고 울산경찰서와 국군 정보국은 울산 보도연맹원을 소집ㆍ구금했다가 경남 울산군 대운산 골짜기와 반정 고개 일대에서 집단 총살했다. 유족은 희생자의 사망 여부나 사명 경위 등에 대해 전혀 알지 못하다 4ㆍ19 혁명 이후 유족회를 결성해 진상 규명과 책임자 처벌을 요구했고 이에 따라 희생자 유골을 발굴, 합동 묘를 세웠지만 이후 5ㆍ16쿠데타로 묘가 철거되고 진상 규명도 중단됐다. 이후 진실ㆍ화해를 위한 과거사정리위원회(이하 위원회)는 2006년 10월 이 사건에 대한 진상조사를 개시, 다음해 11월 말께 울산지역 국민보도연맹 사건과 관련된 희생자 명단 407명을 확정했다. 이에 유족은 희생자가 헌법에 보장된 신체의 자유, 생명권, 적법절차의 원칙, 재판을 받을 권리 등을 침해당했고 이 때문에 유족이 입은 정신적 피해를 배상하라고 소송을 냈고 국가는 손해배상 청구권이 소멸됐다고 주장했으나 법원은 공권력 남용으로 인한 책임을 인정했다. 재판부는 "1960년에 유해가 발굴됐지만, 유족이 희생자의 구체적인 사망경위 등에 대해서는 여전히 알지 못하는 등 진상이 규명되지 않았고 2007년 위원회의 희생자 명단 발표로 비로소 진실을 알게 됐다"며 "손해배상 청구권이 시효로 인해 소멸했다고 볼 수 없다"고 판시했다. 또 "유족은 보도연맹 사건 이후 희생자의 생사에 관한 어떤 통지도 받지 못했고 경찰이 진실 규명 요구에 응하지 않는 등 위원회의 발표 전까지 국가의 위법에 대한 의심만으로 소송을 제기하기는 어려운 사정이 있었다는 점도 인정된다"고 덧붙였다. 이에 따라 법원은 희생자에게 2천만 원, 배우자에게 1천만 원, 부모와 자녀에게 200만 원, 형제ㆍ자매에게는 100만 원을 각각 위자료로 지급하라고 주문했다. sewonlee@yna.co.kr

"일본이 '독도는 일본땅' 판결해도 따를 건가?"

2009-02-06T10:53:00.002+09:00

오마이뉴스 2009-02-05

지난 3일 부산고등법원 제5민사부(재판장 이승영 부장판사)는 일제 강점기 미쓰비시중공업에 끌려가 원폭 피해를 본 징용피해자들이 미쓰비시를 상대로 한국 법원에 제소한 손해배상 청구소송 항소심 재판에서 '일본에서 확정 판결된 사안을 받아들이지 않을 근거가 없다'는 이유로 기각했다.
이번 재판은 일제 '전범'기업을 상대로 피해국 한국 법원에 제기된 최초의 재판으로, 향후 대일 과거사 소송의 시금석이 된다는 점에서 재판 결과의 파장은 적지 않을 것으로 보인다.
이에 원고 측 변호를 맡은 최봉태 변호사를 만나 이 판결에 담긴 의미와 재판 결과에 대한 원고 측 견해를 들어보았다.

▲ 최봉태 변호사가 부산 고법 판결 직후 가진 기자회견에서 취재진들에게 민사소송법 조문을 짚어가며 판결 결과에 대해 강력하게 이의를 제기하고 있다.
- 실망이 큰 것 같다. 우선 이번 재판에 대해 어떻게 생각하나?
"이번 재판은 일제 피해에 대해 피해국인 우리나라 법원에 최초로 제기된 재판이었고, 피해국가에서 나온 최초의 고법 판결이다. 일본, 미국, 중국에서도 재판이 벌어지고 있지만 피해국의 고법 판결로는 최초로 나온 역사적 판결이다. 그런데 도저히 피해국에서는 나올 수 없는 결과가 나오고 말았다. 설마 전범국 일본의 판단을 받아들일 것이라고는 꿈에도 생각 못했다. 참 당혹스럽다."
- 재판부의 논리는 일본에서 나온 미쓰비시 관련 확정 판결 결과를 우리 법원에서도 받아들여야 한다는 것, 또 하나는 시효문제를 언급한 것 같은데?
"그렇지 않아도 그게 말이 되지 않는다고 수차 준비서면을 통해 주장해 왔다. 재판부로서 일본 사법부의 결정에 일종의 동료의식이 있을 수는 있겠지만, 일본 판결이 그동안 일제 피해자들의 권리를 봉쇄해 온 것인데, 그것을 받아들이겠다는 점에서 이번 판결은 가장 반 헌법적 판결이라 할 수 있다."
"2월 3일, 사법 치욕이자 대일 굴욕의 날로 기록될 것"
- 무슨 말인가. 좀 더 설명해 달라.
"우리 민사소송법 제217조 3호에는 제3국의 판결이라도 할지라도 '그것이 대한민국의 선량한 풍속이나 그밖에 사회질서에 어긋나지 않을 때에만' 효력이 인정되는 것으로 하고 있다.
예로 지금까지 일본에서 이뤄진 판결은 한일병합을 당연한 것으로 여기고 일제 강제동원 역시 법에 의해 합법적으로 집행된 것이라는 것을 전제로 깔고 있다. 그런데 이것을 우리 사법부가 받아줘야 한다는 것이 아니고 무엇이냐?
이번 고법 재판부의 논리대로라고 하면 우리는 아직도 모두 일본 국민이나 마찬가지다. 왜냐하면, 일제시대엔 모두 아버지, 할아버지가 창씨개명 하고 일본국민으로 돼 있었는데, 그러면 언제 우리가 일본 국적법에 따라 합법적으로 일본국적에서 탈퇴하는 절차를 거친 적 있었는가? 한마디로 이번 고법 판결은 우리 국민이 다 일본 사람이라는 논리나 마찬가지다.
3·1운동으로 성립한 임시정부의 법통을 계승한 대한민국이, 한일병합을 합법적이라고 보아 우리 임시 정부를 '반국가단체'로 보는 일본 판결을 그대로 따르는 것은 너무나 치욕적이고 굴욕적이다. 나중에 역사가가 기록할 때 2월 3일 판결은 과거 인혁당 사건보다도 더한 사법 치욕이자, 대일 굴욕의 날로 기록될 것임이 분명하다."
"일본 독도 판결 나면 한국에서도 받아들여야 한다는 것인가?”
- 원고들 표정을 보니 역시 충격이 큰 것 같다. 전혀 예상치 못한 결과인가?
"그렇다. 이 판결은 쉽게 말하면 일본에서 독도가 일본의 땅이라고 확정판결이 났으면 그대로 한국에서도 받아들여도 문제가 없다는 것이나 마찬가지다. 이게 말이 되느냐?
통상적인 거래관계의 판결이라면 한·일간의 판결을 서로 승인하는 것은 문명국간 있을 수 있는 일이지만, 일본의 전쟁 책임을 묻는 판결을 그 본질도 고려하지 않고 피해국 한국의 법원이 가해국의 판결을 받아들인다고 하는 것은 타당하지 않을 뿐만 아니라 우리 헌법에도 반하는 것이다.
우리 헌법 전문에는 3·1운동으로 성립한 임시정부 법통을 계승한다고 명시되어 있다. 아울러 우리 헌법은 침략전쟁을 부인하고 있는데, 이는 침략전쟁으로 발생한 법익 침해를 방치해서는 안 되며, 그 손해를 정당하게 회복해야 한다는 뜻이다. 이번 판결은 이러한 헌법적 의미를 무시하는 반헌법적인 것으로 볼 수밖에 없다. 일본법과 한국법의 가장 큰 차이점은 바로 헌법 정신에 있다. 대표적으로 '천황(일왕)'을 인정하지 않는 민주공화국이 우리 헌법 제1조 1항이다."
- 판결이 이렇게까지 나올 수밖에 없었던 이유에 대해서는 어떻게 생각하나?
"앞서 여운택씨 등 일제 피해자들이 신일본제철을 상대로 제기한 손해배상 소송에서 2008년 4월 3일 서울중앙지법은 일본 법원의 확정 판결을 승인할 수 있다고 해 기각한 바 있는데, 이번 재판 역시 그때 판결을 따라간 것이다.
당시 서울중앙지법의 판결에 대해 헌법적 검토가 제대로 있었다면 이번 판결은 결코 나오지 않았을 것이다. 이 점에서 신일본제철의 담당변호인단과 공조를 충분히 하지 못한 잘못은 우리 변호인단에도 있었다고 생각한다. 이 점은 반성한다."
문서 수령도 거부하며 시간 끌던 미쓰비시, '아리랑 3호' 수주
- 이번 판결은 오히려 1심 판결보다 후퇴한 결과로 보이는데.
"그렇다. 그중 하나를 지적하자면 1심에서는 태평양전쟁 전의 미쓰비시와 전후 미쓰비시에 대해 사실상 같은 회사로 봐야 한다고 판단했는데, 이번 판결에서는 이것마저도 번복이 된 것으로 보인다.
그런데 이것이 웃기는 게, 그동안 피해자들이 미쓰비시 한국법인을 찾아가 한번 만나려고 해도 전쟁 전 회사와 다르다며 만나주지도 않던 미쓰비시가, 아리랑 3호 위성과 관련해서는 한국항공우주연구원과 모든 관련문서 수령을 다 해왔던 사실이다. 문서를 통해 확인된 내용이다.
이번 항소심의 항소장 역시 회사가 다르다고 수령을 거부해 지금까지 국제송달까지 했었는데, 이런 잔꾀를 한국 법원이 받아들여야 한다는 것인가? 특히 재판을 9년째 끌어 온 가장 큰 이유는 개인청구권에 관한 소멸여부를 확인하는 것이었다. 그동안 일본 판결은 한일협정 및 일본의 국내법에 의해 개인 청구권이 소멸됐다고 주장해왔다.
그에 반해 우리 정부는 2005년에 40여 년 만에 한일협정 문서를 공개할 당시, 반인도적 범죄와 관련해서는 한일협정과 무관하다며 일본에 법적 책임이 있다는 법적 견해를 명백히 밝힌 바 있다.
당시 민관공동위원회의 민간인 위원장이 현재 이용훈 대법원장인데, 이번 판결은 이런 민관공동위원회의 권위 있는 공식적인 법적 견해조차 무시하고 일본 판결을 따라가겠다는 것이나 마찬가지다."
10년 '시효' 적용하면 64년 지난 일제 과거 청산은 불가능
- 10년이라는 시효도 언급했는데?
"얼마 전 '독도가 일본 땅이 아니다'라는 일본법령을 최초로 발견한 재일동포 3세 이양수씨와 함께 '일한회담 전면공개를 요구하는 회' 고다케 히로코 사무국장이 한국을 방문한 바 있는데, 시효문제로 1심에서 기각된 사실을 알고는 깜짝 놀라더라.
아니 심지어 일본에서조차 판례가 계속 발전해 와 본건과 같은 전후보상 재판에서는 최소한 시효문제로는 기각하는 판결이 어려워져 한일청구권 협정을 핑계로 정치적 판단을 하고 있는 마당에, 가해국도 아닌 피해국가의 법원에서 시효문제를 따진다는 게 말이 되느냐는 것이다.
그 말을 듣고 고다케 히로코 사무국장이 즉시 이번 담당 판사한테 직접 편지까지 써서 보낸 일이 있는데 담당 판사가 그 편지나 제대로 읽어 봤는지 모르겠다.
재판부의 논리대로 하자면 원고들이 피해를 본 시기인 1944년~1945년으로부터 10년이 지났다는 주장이어서 소를 제기할 수 없다는 입장인데, 과연 일제 피해자들이 그동안 '권리 위에 잠잔 자들인가' 하는 것이다. 해방과 한국전쟁의 혼란기, 한일청구권협정에 의해 권리회복의 기회마저 철저히 차단당해 온 상태, 우리 임시정부의 법통을 계승하는 우리 헌법정신을 생각하면 도저히 이해할 수 없는 판결이다.
가해국도 아닌 우리 사법부가 '10년'이라는 시효가 지났기 때문에 안 된다고 한다니, 참 어이가 없다. 이렇게 되면 이미 10년이 아니라 해방 64년이 더 지났는데 더 이상 대한민국 땅에서는 일제 과거청산은 불가능하다는 것 아닌가?
인혁당 사건이나 광주 5.18항쟁, 최종길 서울대 교수 사건 등 과거 정권하에서 이뤄진 수많은 사건들도 과거청산 차원에서 새로 판결하고 있는데, 대일 과거 청산에 10년이라는 시효를 잣대를 들이밀지는 정말 몰랐다."
- 잠시 다른 질문인데, 어떻게 부산에서 재판을 시작하게 됐나?
"2000년 당시 미쓰비시 연락사무소가 부산에 있어 부산지방법원에 제기하게 됐다. 그런데 그 뒤로 미쓰비시가 연락사무소를 폐쇄하고 한국 미쓰비시라고 하는 회사를 설립해 문서수령마저 거부하고 말았다. 그러는 통에 일일이 번역해 본사에 국제송달을 하느라 6개월 동안 허송세월해야 했다. 미쓰비시의 행태를 보면 재판을 지연시켜 피해자들이 한 분이라도 돌아가시도록 만들겠다는 심보처럼 느껴진다."
"마치 한국법원 아니라 일본법원 같다"
- 상고 여부는 어떻게 되나?
"피해자들이 대한민국 사법부를 믿지 못하겠다고 하면서도 이번 판결만큼은 도저히 받아들이지 못하겠다는 태도인 만큼 피해자들의 의사에 따를 생각이다. 솔직히 오늘 판결만 보면 마치 한국법원이 아니라 일본법원 같다."
- 9년을 끌어온 사건인데 결국 패소하고 말았다. 이번 재판에 대해 일본에서도 관심있게 지켜보고 있었을텐데, 어떤 심정인가?
"어젯밤에 하도 억울해 잠이 잘 오지 않았다. 이 사건을 맡을 때 일본 변호사들이 도저히 일본에서는 양심적인 판결이 나오지 않아 한국의 사법부를 믿고 재판을 해 보자고 해서 제판을 시작했는데 이 재판 결과를 어떻게 전달할지 걱정이다. 일본에서는 번번이 패소해 피해국인 한국에서 열리는 재판은 다를 것이라고 생각했을 텐데, 솔직히 일본 변호사 보기가 부끄럽다."
이국언 기자

Wonder the cost to sustain those with death sentence?

2009-02-05T16:56:00.007+09:00

An unbelievable news article was posted this morning; about the cost to sustain an inmate condemned to death. It probably came out with a big social wave of for-the-execution thanks to the capture of an alledged serial killer. Masses went frantic and media cover the news with unusal enthusiasm fanning the franticism of mob even more. Apparently, some of media decided to show the face of the man, and now everyone in the country knows his face. And he was not even brought to the court yet. Don't confuse me advocating a psycho killer, just want to point out he's been accused, but the court rules have not yet come. And even with the court rules, we need to remember they never were execused from making mistakes, whether they were intentional or not. After revealing the face of the accused, now they're calculating how much do they need to keep them alive; a prior scheme to dispose him, obviously. In the modernized market-oriented societies, the price of man kind has always been an arguable issue. But seeing it right on your face in a daily newspaper is a different story, the story we need to remember.

<사형수 1명의 사회적 비용은>(종합)연간 예산 160만원..한 끼니에 약 1천원(서울=연합뉴스) 차대운 기자 = 최근 경기 서남부 연쇄살인 피의자 강호순(38) 사건의 여파로 사형제 존폐 논란이 일고 있는 가운데 사형수들의 생활실태에도 관심이 쏠리고 있다. 5일 법무부에 따르면 사형 확정 판결을 받은 수감자는 현재 58명이다.
사형 확정자는 2000년 9명, 2001년 8명이 나온 이후 연간 증가폭이 매년 2∼5명으로 둔화한 상태다. 우리나라에서는 1997년 말 23명이 한꺼번에 사형에 처해진 이후 10년이 넘도록 사형집행이 중단됐다. 그동안 사형수 3명이 병사했고 19명은 감형을 받아 사형수 신분을 벗었다. 사형수는 대부분 다른 사람을 살해한 범죄를 저지른 경우인데, 1998년 이후 사형이 확정된 42명 중 특정범죄가중처벌법 위반 사범 2명을 제외한 39명이 강도살인, 살인, 존속살해 등의 혐의로 사형 선고를 받았다. 법무부는 사형수 1명에게 연간 들이는 예산을 약 160만원으로 추산했다. 사형수는 일반 수용자와 거의 같은 대우를 받기 때문에 사형수라고 해서 특별히 더 많은 예산이 투입되는 것은 아니다. 사형수 1명에 들어가는 예산은 2008년 기준으로 연간 160만원인데 식비가 113만7천원(끼니당 약 1천원)으로 가장 큰 비중을 차지한다. 그다음이 의료비(21만원), 연료비(10만1천원), 수용비(9만4천원), 피복비(5만3천원) 순이다. 사형수 58명에 투입되는 연간 예산이 약 9천만원인 셈이다. 물론 여기에는 교정시설 건설과 교도관 급여 등의 비용이 포함되지 않아 실제 수형자 1명을 위해 져야하는 국민 부담은 이보다 더 크다는 분석이 가능하다. 사형에 반대하는 쪽에서는 비용의 문제로 접근해 사형 집행을 주장해선 안된다는 견해를 내놓고 있다. 국회 법사위 소속 민주당 이춘석 의원은 "사람이 사람의 생명을 빼앗는 것은 있을 수 없는 만큼 사형제는 폐지돼야 한다"며 "단지 비용 문제로 사형을 집행하자는 것은 인간 존엄의 가치를 인정하지 않는 것"이라고 말했다. 그는 또 "강호순 같은 사람을 두둔할 생각은 없지만 이번 사건도 해당 지역 치안 여건이 좋고 과학수사 역량이 높았다면 초기에 막을 수 있었을 것"이라며 "무엇보다 범죄를 예방할 수단을 마련하는 것이 필요하다"고 강조했다. setuzi@yna.co.kr

Wonder the Cost to Sustain those with Death Sentence?

Remember Daniel Pearl of WSJ; see "Mighty Heart" for his stories

2009-02-03T09:42:00.002+09:00

A senior UN official was abducted in Quetta, Pakistan; bringing back so many of the similar stories of people disappeared, and found beheaded and their body parts deserted. Being an official working for an organization like UN usually carries immense responsibility; many times obligations benefit others rather then their own comforts, thus harming those implies many.
Of course, we can't blindly blame anonymous masse for this incident, but it is certain whoever they were to carry out the abduction shall pay for it in whatever ways destined. The longer I live, the more I get curious why those who screw things over are not exactly the ones who paid for; in fact, many times those who try to fix them seemed to get blamed for the mess left behind. At the end, the only simple yet critical question rises; does this all matter? Of survival and truth, what do we seek? Defining the both terms comes next.

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February 3, 2009
American U.N. Official Is Abducted in Pakistan
By SALMAN MASOOD
ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — A senior United Nations official was abducted and his driver was killed Monday morning in the southwestern city of Quetta, according to United Nations and Pakistani officials.
The United Nations identified the official as John Solecki, an American, who was heading the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Quetta, the capital of Baluchistan Province.
“We are confirming that an unfortunate incident happened this morning when Mr. John Solecki was abducted,” Amena Kamal, the spokeswoman for the United Nations in Islamabad, said by telephone.
Ron Redmond, the spokesman for the United Nations refugee office in Geneva also confirmed the abduction but gave no details. The agency has 49 staff members in Quetta, where it has worked since 1980. It provides support to some 400,000 Afghan refugees in 10 villages and camps, agency officials said.
There were no immediate claims of responsibility.
A Pakistani security official said that such a high-profile kidnapping was unusual in Quetta and that he believed that Mr. Solecki probably had been seized for ransom or by the Taliban.
Mr. Solecki had been in Pakistan for about two years, Ms. Kamal said. She said he was headed to work Monday morning when his vehicle was intercepted by gunmen. The driver was shot during the abduction and died on the way to the hospital, she said.
Television images showed the white Toyota vehicle of Mr. Solecki rammed against a wall by the roadside — apparently as a result of the driver losing control of the vehicle after it came under fire. The police cordoned off the street after the incident.
Ms. Kamal said there had been no prior threats.
United Nations officials said the aid agency was in touch with the Pakistani government to try to obtain Mr. Solecki’s release.
Wazir Khan Nasir, an official in the Quetta police, was quoted by Pakistani television as saying that Mr. Solecki did not have armed guards with him.
Baluchistan Province borders Afghanistan and it has seen a low-level insurgency spearheaded by nationalists who are demanding more autonomy and a greater share in the province’s natural resources.
At the same time, the Taliban have also maintained their presence in several districts of the province, especially the border areas.
Pir Zubair Shah contributed reporting from Peshawar and Nick Cumming-Bruce from Geneva.

US Congressional Records for the 44th US Presidential Inauguration Day

2009-01-22T14:25:00.001+09:00

Tuesday, January 20, 2009
Daily Digest
HIGHLIGHTS
The House and Senate met for the Inauguration of President Barack Hussein Obama and Vice President Joseph Robinette Biden, Jr.
[Page: D53] GPO's PDF
Senate
Chamber ActionRoutine Proceedings, pages S661-71
Nomination--Agreement: A unanimous-consent-time agreement was reached providing that at 12 noon, on Wednesday, January 21, 2009, Senate consider the nomination of Hillary Clinton, to be Secretary of State, and that there be 3 hours of debate, with the time equally divided and controlled between the two Leaders, or their designees, and that Senate then vote on confirmation of the nomination. Page S670
Nominations Confirmed: Senate confirmed the following nominations: Arne Duncan, of Illinois, to be Secretary of Education. Janet Ann Napolitano, of Arizona, to be Secretary of Homeland Security. Peter R. Orszag, of Massachusetts, to be Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Steven Chu, of California, to be Secretary of Energy. Thomas J. Vilsack, of Iowa, to be Secretary of Agriculture. Kenneth Lee Salazar, of Colorado, to be Secretary of the Interior. Eric K. Shinseki, of Hawaii, to be Secretary of Veterans Affairs. Pages S663 S671
Nominations Received: Senate received the following nominations: Hillary Rodham Clinton, of New York, to be Secretary of State. Dennis Cutler Blair, of Pennsylvania, to be Director of National Intelligence. Steven Chu, of California, to be Secretary of Energy. Michele A. Flournoy, of Maryland, to be Under Secretary of Defense for Policy. Thomas Andrew Daschle, of South Dakota, to be Secretary of Health and Human Services. Gary Gensler, of Maryland, to be a Commissioner of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission for a term expiring April 13, 2012. Shaun L. S. Donovan, of New York, to be Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Gary Gensler, of Maryland, to be Chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. Arne Duncan, of Illinois, to be Secretary of Education. Austan Dean Goolsbee, of Illinois, to be a Member of the Council of Economic Advisers. Timothy F. Geithner, of New York, to be Secretary of the Treasury. Robert F. Hale, of Virginia, to be Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller). Eric H. Holder, Jr., of the District of Columbia, to be Attorney General. John P. Holdren, of Massachusetts, to be Director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy. Lisa Perez Jackson, of New Jersey, to be Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. Jeh Charles Johnson, of New York, to be General Counsel of the Department of the Defense. Ronald Kirk, of Texas, to be United States Trade Representative, with the rank of Ambassador. Jacob J. Lew, of New York, to be Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources. Ray LaHood, of Illinois, to be Secretary of Transportation. Jane Lubchenco, of Oregon, to be Under Secretary of Commerce for Oceans and Atmosphere. Janet Ann Napolitano, of Arizona, to be Secretary of Homeland Security. William J. Lynn, III, of the District of Columbia, to be Deputy Secretary of Defense. Peter R. Orszag, of Massachusetts, to be Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Robert L. Nabors II, of New Jersey, to be Deputy Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Susan E. Rice, of the District of Columbia, to be the Representative of the United States of America D54to the United Nations, with the rank and status of Ambassador, and the Representative of the United States of America in the Security Council of the United Nations.
[Page: D54] GPO's PDF
Cecilia Elena Rouse, of California, to be Member of the Council of Economic Advisers. Susan E. Rice, of the District of Columbia, to be Representative of the United States of America to the Sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations during her tenure of service as Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations. Mary L. Schapiro, of the District of Columbia, to be a Member of the Securities and Exchange Commission for a term expiring June 5, 2014. Christina Duckworth Romer, of California, to be a Member of the Council of Economic Advisers. James Braidy Steinberg, of Texas, to be Deputy Secretary of State. Kenneth Lee Salazar, of Colorado, to be Secretary of the Interior. Nancy Helen Sutley, of California, to be a Member of the Council on Environmental Quality. Eric K. Shinseki, of Hawaii, to be Secretary of Veterans Affairs. Daniel K. Tarullo, of Massachusetts, to be Member of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System for a term of fourteen years from February 1, 2008. Hilda L. Solis, of California, to be Secretary of Labor. Thomas J. Vilsack, of Iowa, to be Secretary of Agriculture. Page S671
Additional Cosponsors: Page S670
Additional Statements: Pages S663-67
Adjournment: Senate convened at 3 p.m. and adjourned at 3:58 p.m., until 12 p.m. on Wednesday, January 21, 2009. (For Senate's program, see the remarks of the Acting Majority Leader in today's Record on page S671.)

South Korea: Burying the Past in the Present

2009-01-22T09:35:00.002+09:00

An opinion piece from a daily paper in Seoul.

Truth, reconciliation and a possible return to the past in ROK

In a land with a modern history as complex and turbulent as South Korea, it is fascinating to consider how history is made. And rewritten. As investigators continue to unearth past atrocities, the government has been changing the nation's high-school textbooks in a bid to remedy damaged national pride. The truth may be painful, but the past will not go away once the graves are unearthed and the bodies have been collected and counted. Too many stories have already been lost from a history that continues to be surrounded in an almost impenetrable but customary silence.A case in point is the story of the "comfort women." These women were victims of a typically cruel colonial period which saw Koreans stripped of freedom, identity, and, in many ways, culture. Systematically subjected to physical and sexual abuse by their colonial Japanese masters in what constituted slavery in its basest form, many of these women were left to bury their memories within themselves rather than allow society to confront its own past. It was not until 1991 that the first courageous woman stood up and revealed the horror of her own sexual slavery to the world. In doing so she opened a door to the past and allowed others to come forward.The Gwangju Massacre, now officially referred to by this title, was kept out of the history books for many years, but is now the subject of a popular dramatic film. In many ways this single event provides a sound lesson on modern Korean history; the ultimate expression of the resolve of the people in the face of extreme state repression. The events played a pivotal role in the movement for democratization and the city of Gwangju now prides itself on this popular movement and this history. But the monuments there are also testament to the old adage that history should not be allowed to repeat itself.It is also worth remembering the brutal suppression of the popular uprising on Jeju Island in 1948. The island's population had managed to avoid the reach of the US Military Occupation forces on the mainland and this isolation had allowed a local democratic movement to evolve on the island. The authorities' response was military and decisive and has been described as "one of the most brutal, sustained, and intensive counterinsurgency campaigns in postwar Asia,"(i) resulting in between 14,000 and upward of 30,000 people being killed.(ii) This is one of the many chapters of Korea's recent past currently facing relegation to the footnotes of official history.iiiNow let's turn to contemporary history, the history of the present. South Korea is at a time when political space has opened up enough to allow the nation to reflect on past atrocities committed by the state against its own people. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was set up by President Roh Moo-Hyun on Dec. 1, 2005. Its mandate is to investigate "the anti-Japanese movement during the colonial period and the history of the Korean diaspora; the massacre of civilians after 1945; human rights abuses by the state; incidents of dubious conviction and suspicious death."(iv) This is an honorable undertaking that has earned the commission the description of "a beacon of light in Asia,"(v) one that should set an example for the rest of the region. The findings of the commission speak for themselves, as well as countless dead or silent victims. There is no room to go into depth regarding the findings here, the surface of which has only been touched on by investigators, but it is worth understanding the crimes and the human face of their victims.So far the investigations carried out by the commission have retrieved 965 victims from only ten mass graves, a small fraction of the estimated 168 sites across the country.vi At least 10,907 petitions from individuals and organizations have been submitted to the commission, including "1,200 incidents of mass civilian sacrifice committed by ROK forces and US forces (215 cases)."(vii) Clearly the commission has its work cut out for it.But, alongside 13 other history truth commissions(viii), the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is facing budget cuts and mergers proposed by the current administration in the name of efficiency. Although the Truth and Reconciliation Commission has resolved less than a third of its cases(ix) it seems unlikely that it will be able to function effectively to fulfill its mandate by 2010, when it is scheduled to publish its final report, with the proposed budget and inevitable staff cuts. The other thirteen commissions face a similar if not worse fate.In an honest society, a society where a large enough number of people cherish freedom of expression over censorship and believe in learning lessons from the past in order to escape the cycle of mistakes and violence, the truth has a way of exposing a nation's wounds. At first the pain will seem overwhelming, but in time the wounds will heal. And the scars will serve as a reminder to future generations.People in Korea have recently shown that they will not sit quietly when they are unhappy with the decisions of those wielding power over them. The candlelight protests against US beef imports and the KORUS Free Trade Agreement were a demonstration of popular power in the modern democratic era. It took the old tactics of state repression to quiet them,(x) but the tenuous silence is unlikely to last.There are two currents in Korea at the moment: one is surging up from below, trying to raise the ghosts of history to the surface, and the other is doing its best to keep them submerged. If the latter current is able to employ the methods of the past to suppress the former, albeit in modernized and less deadly forms, the burden of silence will be passed down to a new generation. Reflection needs to be coupled with introspection. It is important to examine the past in order to understand the present, but it is also important to examine the present in order to understand the past.The official argument for the high-school textbook revisions is that the previous textbooks contained a "left-leaning bias" which is potentially damaging to national pride and overshadows such positive developments as economic progress. Opponents of the revisions, on the other hand, point out that textbooks should contain a range of perspectives and be politically neutral.(xi) In the words of the ministry responsible for the changes, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, "Rigorous review procedures will be imposed when revising history textbooks, with the introduction of stricter standards for textbook writing and approval."(xii) In other words, relative academic freedom is being replaced by government censorship, and from the evidence at hand one can make an informed guess as to whose "standards" they refer to.During the Joseon Dynasty, history was recorded by a chronicler who presided at official events alongside the king who was not supposed to see what would be added to official record. This mechanism was supposed to serve as a safeguard against the rewriting of history by rulers.(xiii) Although this precaution was violated by the more despotic rulers of that time, the Lee administration could learn a lot from looking to the more enlightened of its ancestors. It took the courage of millions to throw off the shackles of dictatorship in South Korea and move the hand of the state away from the history pen. In a state that controls both the pen and the sword, does it matter which one is mightier?

Snow Falls on the Land of Morning Calm

2009-01-16T11:01:00.005+09:00

The snow, deep enough to dip one's feet upto their ankles, silently fell on the ground and purely covered the filth of nights. Beautiful, I thought. It is the first snow of the year and made us felt warm and willing to send out loving messages to our beloveds.

Colleagues and I shall go up to Mt. Nam for a brief supper, celebrating the first snow and welcoming a newcomer. People with good hearts; rather transparant; people like me I dare say. Many times, I speculate how fortunate I was born into this world (often still bearing the dignifed love and honor despite all unspeakable atrocities and hatred committeed corners thereof), have met those that I have met in life, and have done what I've done so far. Everything seems coming into one big picture as times goes by. Pieces often had confused me; not knowing what part I was playing, I've spent an immense amount of time blindly and desperately searching for whereabouts of mine in that bloody big picture and tried to grasp what I was to become. Now, things seem a little clearer, and my eyes a little less blind. And my heart becomes as white and pure as the snow freshly laid on an isolate mountain and filled with joy. Gosh, I love that I'am alive and exist with assignments imposed upon me!

Warmest regards on a snowy day,

Love,

Alexa.

Park Jeong-hee's Legacy on Dong-A Daily [Dong-A Ttuwoe 동아투위]

2009-01-07T09:21:00.002+09:00

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Korea found the lay-offs of over a hundred of journalists at Dong-a Daily newspaper who were not following the emergency sensorship regulations from the Park Jeong-hee's government was illegitimate and the KCIA (now, NIS) was involved to press its advertisers to literally block the money flow of the paper in 1975. See details below and let me know if you have trouble to read it.

Here, a representative Korea's progressive monthly journals "Mal [말]" published a story how much resemblance is there in the current government striving to pass a bill allowing congromerates to run media. The author stresses out Park Jeong-hee's government used the NIS (the former KCIA) to suppress the press, while the current government uses the chaebol to do the job. Let me know if you want to find more about the story.

월간 말 2009-01-06
언론탄압 선봉에 선 재벌
[월간 말 1월호 뉴스추적-이명박의 언론장악]
당시 동아일보 편집부 기자이면서 노조 조직부장을 지냈고, 송건호 선생이 민주언론운동협의회 의장이었을 당시 『말』 편집인이었던 성유보 선생(66세)과 현재 동아자유언론수호투쟁위원회 위원장(66세)이며 민주언론운동협의회 2대 회장과 『말』 발행인을 맡았던 정동익 선생(66세)을 만났다. 이들은 이명박 정부의 언론장악 음모를 지켜보면서 “박정희 정권 때는 정치권력이 중앙정보부를 앞세워 언론을 장악하고 감시했는데, 지금 이명박 정권은 재벌을 앞세워서 권력과 재벌연합 형식으로 가고 있다”고 일갈하면서 “언론은 수구 기득권층의 이익을 대변하는 곳이 돼서는 안 되며, 사회의 정의를 바로세우기 위해서 의식이 깨어 있는 기자가 돼야 한다”고 당부했다. 아래는 성유보, 정동익 선생과의 일문일답이다.

▲ 성유보 선생월간말 동아일보 광고탄압사건은 무엇입니까?
성유보 박정희 유신시대에 우리의 언론자유를 위한 투쟁은 동아일보 기자들을 중심으로 일어났고, 다른 신문사로도 많이 확산되었다. 그때 젊은 나이에 사명감 때문에 ‘감옥에 가도 좋다’ 이렇게 되니까 박정희 정권이 기자들에게 겁만 줘서는 해결이 안 되겠다 싶어 꺼낸 마지막 카드가 동아일보 경영진에 대한 협박이었다.
동아일보의 김 씨 일가에 대한 조사를 했고, 광고로 협박하기 시작했다. 그러던 어느 날 일제히 광고가 사라졌다. 그때가 74년 12월 이다. 동아일보는 ‘회사가 망하겠다’라는 생각과, ‘박정희 유신정권과 싸워서는 승산이 없다’는 패배주의에 젖었다. 말하자면 어쩔 줄을 몰랐다. 우리는 ‘광고로 수입이 줄어들면 봉급이라도 깎겠다’는 각오였다.
당시 국민들은 ‘동아일보 광고탄압’에 대한 분노가 팽배했기 때문에 국민들이 기업 대신에 도와줬다. 그것도 동아일보가 한 것이 아니라, 기자들과 광고국에서 ‘격려광고’라는 것을 만들었다. 박정희 정권으로 보면 훨씬 불리해졌고, 이후 동아일보에 엄청난 압박을 가하게 된다.

▲ 정동익 선생월간말 당시 국가공권력에 의한 언론탄압의 사례에 대해 말씀해주세요.
정동익 ‘긴급조치 시대’인 1970년대에 박정희 유신독재정권은 포악한 탄압을 전 방위적으로 자행했다. 언론사에는 상시적으로 중앙정보부를 비롯해 경찰과 보안사 요원 등 각종 기관원들이 상주하다시피 했다. 그들은 “학생데모 기사는 안 된다, 야당총재 기자회견의 사진을 빼라, 심지어 연탄 값 인상에 대한 기사가 나왔는데 연탄 값 인상이라고 쓰지 말고 연탄 값 현실화라고 써라” 이렇게 기사의 문장 하나까지도 간섭을 하고 일일이 지시했다.
월간말 그렇다면 당시 언론장악에 맞섰던 동아투위의 모습은 어떠했습니까?
정동익 그 전에도 자유언론 수호선언을 세 차례 했지만, 선언에만 그치고 실천이 제대로 이행되지 못해서 언론탄압에 맞설 수 있는 힘을 갖추지 못했다. 그래서 자유언론 수호선언이 아닌 ‘자유언론 실천선언’을 한 것이다. 성명서 낭독에 그치지 말고 실천을 하자는 것이었다. 취재와 편집과정에서의 부당한 외부의 압력이나 지시에 항의했고, 매일 저녁에 모여서 그날 어떤 기사가 누락되었고 어떤 기사가 제대로 평가되지 못했는지를 가려냈다.
월간말 ‘진실과 화해를 위한 과거사정리위원회’의 사과배상 권고에 대해 동아일보사는 어떤 입장입니까?
성유보 동아일보사를 지금도 이해할 수 없는 것이, 그 당시 회사가 망할 판이니까 박정희와 타협을 했다 하더라도 지금에서는 ‘옛날에 어쩔 수 없었다’는 사과를 할 수 있다고 생각한다. 지금 나 역시도 젊은 사람들이 동아일보를 ‘쓰레기’라고 하는 것을 이해한다.
정동익 중앙정보부의 탄압을 받고 백지광고 사태가 일어났고, 언론인 해직사태가 일어났음을 모두 알고 있는데도 정부와 동아일보는 모르쇠로 일관하고 있다. 이번에 진실화회위에서 정식으로 인정해준 것은 역사적으로 평가할 만한 가치가 있다. 용기 있는 결정에 고맙게 생각한다. 권고대로 동아일보와 정부는 광고탄압의 진상에 대해서 피해언론인들에게 사과하고 화해조치를 취해야 마땅하다. 그래서 10월 29일부터 11월 17일까지 3주간 동아일보 앞에서 1인 시위를 하면서 사과와 화해조치를 요구했지만, 정부와 동아일보사는 응답이 없다. 또한 동아일보는 사보를 통해 태도를 밝혀야 함에도, 이름 없는 기자가 쓴 기사 형식으로 ‘과거 유신정권 시절 판결이 났다’고 기사화했다. 동아일보사는 시효가 지난 것이라고 이야기하지만, 역사적인 사건이 진실화해위에서 재평가된 것은 인혁당, 43사건 등에서 알 수 있는 것처럼 시효가 다시 시작하는 걸로 판결이 나고 있다.
월간말 지금의 동아일보에 대해 어떻게 생각하십니까?
성유보 내가 볼 때 동아일보는 공간이 있으면 얘기를 하다가도 아니라고 생각되면 잇속을 챙기고 들어간다. 지금에서 보면 이미 그 단계도 지난 것이다. 지금은 공간이 있음에도 말하지 않는다. 민주주의의 언론이라고 볼 수가 없다. 스스로가 파시즘에 빠진 언론으로 보인다.
정동익 지금의 동아일보는 그때와는 판이하게 다르다. 그 당시에는 모든 국민들이 신뢰하고 보고 싶어 하는 동아일보였는데, 지금은 뜻있는 시민들의 지탄을 받고 있다. 한때 동아일보에 몸담았던 한 사람으로서 너무 안타깝고 가슴 아프게 생각할 때가 많다. 당시 동아일보에 있던 편집국 기자들 절반 이상을 내쫓은 뒤에 과거 동아일보의 정신을 일탈해서 완전히 수구 기득권층의 이익을 대변하는 곳으로 변질된 것이 아닌가 생각한다.
월간말 박정희 정권시절의 언론 상황과 현재 이명박 정권의 언론 상황을 비교할 수 있겠습니까?
성유보 이명박 정권은 정치적인 부분에 대해 박정희를 사부로 생각하는 것이 아닌가라는 생각이 든다. (웃음) 그런데 박정희 식으로는 갈 수가 없다. 33년이 흘렀는데, 유신시대로 돌아갈 수 있겠는가? 정신 상태는 비슷한데, 박정희 식의 권력행사는 어렵다. 그런데 이런 부분을 무시하고 가려고 계속 발버둥을 치는 것 같다.
정동익 박정희 정권 때는 정치권력이 중앙정보부를 앞세워서 언론을 장악하고 감시했는데, 지금 이명박 정권은 재벌을 앞세워서 권력과 재벌연합 형식으로 가고 있다. 그래서 방송 같은 것도 족벌언론과 재벌에게 넘겨주려 하고 있고, 여론을 자기들이 좌지우지하여 다양성을 말살시키려 한다. 과거에는 권력 위주로 언론을 탄압했으면, 지금은 그 자리에 자본이 들어왔다고 본다.
월간말 후배 기자들에게 당부하고 싶은 말은 무엇입니까?
성유보 지금 한국사회는 큰 측면에서는70, 80년대보다 국민의식과 민주의식이 높아졌는데, 아직 과제가 있다. 자기주장만 하고 남의 주장을 안 듣는다. 다른 의견일수록 들어야 한다. 우리 사회가 한 단계 성숙하려면 그런 관점에서 사회를 보고 특히 언론에서 다른 것은 인정하고 같은 것은 함께하는 언론인이 되어야 한다.
정동익 언론인이라면 단순한 정보전달자나 월급쟁이가 아닌 사명감과 소명의식이 있어야 한다. 과거 일제나 독재정권 때는 독립운동을 위해서 신채호 선생님 같은 지사적 언론인들이 활동했는데, 지금은 언론탄압이 있어도 다시 언론자유를 위해 싸울 수 있는 지사적인 언론인, 사회적인 약자나 소외계층을 위해서 제대로 보도할 수 있는 언론인, 불의를 미워하고 바로세울 수 있는 언론인이 없다. 민족사적 과제인 통일을 가져올 수 있는 기자가 필요하다. 사회의 정의를 바로세우기 위해서 의식이 깨어 있는 기자가 되길 바란다.
조문식 기자 journalist@mal.co.kr

Stop the Killings in Gaza!

2009-01-06T16:02:00.003+09:00

Have some said history tends to repeat?; has the man kind never learnt anything from the past?
It only makes feel reckless to think of how the state of Israel was established, how much of suffering Jews had to endure before that, and how the state of Jews has passed on this suffering to the others. According to the reports by the Associated Press, in total, there have been at least 541 Palestinians casualities, with more than 2400 injured. Alas! Is this truely the nation of which people had been through the halocaust and supposedly fed up with the notion of mass killings? Needless to mention, we see the moral hazard of the nations, particularly the US, once again become prevalent. Seriously.. what good is spending years after years to dig out the truth and ask for apologies where no one has a tiny bit of interest to do so?

Rory McCarthy in Jerusalem
The Guardian, Tuesday 6 January 2009
Article history

Civilian toll soars as troops and tanks press into Gaza

Israeli forces were locked in heavy fighting in northern Gaza last night with intensive artillery strikes and jet bombing in the north and across Gaza City as the military pledged to press on with its attack.
On the 10th day of the conflict, Israel's defence minister, Ehud Barak, insisted his country's troops had not finished their operation despite mounting Palestinian casualties and growing international calls for a ceasefire.
"Hamas has so far sustained a very heavy blow from us, but we have yet to achieve our objective and therefore the operation continues," Barak said.
Israeli forces have already pushed deep into Gaza but last night appeared to be stepping up their fight, with witnesses reporting wave after wave of bombing strikes across the north of the territory accompanied by gunfire from helicopters and artillery from land and sea. The military said it had bombed more smuggling tunnels across the border with Egypt in the south and hit more than 40 other sites across Gaza including buildings storing weapons and rocket launching areas.
As Israeli troops and tanks pressed deeper into Gaza, the toll of civilian casualties rose rapidly. The UN said at least 94 Palestinians had been killed since the ground offensive began on Saturday night. In one incident yesterday a house in Zeitoun, south-east of Gaza City, was hit by tank shells killing at least nine people, including at least four children. In the Shamali district, north of the city, an Israeli bomb destroyed a three-storey house killing a family of seven, including four children.
In total at least 541 Palestinians have died since Israel's operation began, with more than 2,400 injured. Hospitals have been overwhelmed: morgues were crowded with bodies and injured patients had to be treated in hallways. On the Israeli side eight people, including five soldiers, have died and about 60, mostly soldiers, have been hurt. Early today the Israeli military said that three soldiers were killed and four injured when a tank shell was fired in error.
In Gaza, Mahmoud Zahar, the most senior leader of Hamas in the strip and a hardliner in the movement, appeared on the party's al-Aqsa television station and gave a defiant speech threatening attacks not only in Gaza but elsewhere.
"The Zionists have legitimised the killing of their children by killing our children. They have legitimised the killing of their people all over the world by killing our people," Zahar said. He urged Hamas fighters to "crush your enemy".
Another Hamas figure, a recognised military spokesman called Abu Ubaida, said thousands of Hamas fighters were waiting in Gaza to take on the Israeli military and said rocket attacks would increase. More than 40 were fired into southern Israel yesterday, including one that landed in an empty kindergarten, which has been closed since the conflict began, like all schools near the Gaza border.
Israeli troops are now deployed in and around the major urban areas of Gaza, particularly in the north, including Beit Hanoun, Beit Lahiya and Jabaliya. They have ordered residents in many areas to leave their homes with leaflets, telephone calls and radio announcements forcing at least 15,000 Palestinians to flee to safety elsewhere. At least 5,000 are staying in 11 different UN schools and shelters.
The UN said more than a million Gazans were still without electricity or water and that it was increasingly difficult for staff to distribute aid or reach the injured. It said more diesel was needed to reopen the strip's sole power plant, shut for a week.

"박노해ㆍ백태웅은 민주화 인사"민주화운동보상심의위 "사노맹 민주화 운동 일환"

2008-12-28T00:58:00.002+09:00

법원과 배치되는 결정..논란 예상 (서울=연합뉴스) 이준삼 기자

= 남한사회주의노동자동맹(이하 사노맹)에서 활동했다는 이유로 법원에서 유죄를 선고받았던 박노해(50.본명 박기평), 백태웅(45) 씨가 민주화 운동 인사로 인정받았다. 국무총리 산하 `민주화운동 관련자 명예회복 보상심의위원회'(이하 민주화운동보상심의위)는 "최근(22일) 열린 제257차 회의에서 박씨와 백씨 등 4명을 민주화운동 인사로 인정했다"고 27일 밝혔다. 앞서 박씨와 백씨는 1989∼1991년 사노맹에서 활동하다 법원에서 반국가단체 활동 혐의로 유죄판결을 받은 점을 민주화 운동으로 인정해달라고 민주화운동보상심의위에 신청했다. 보상심의위의 한 관계자는 "결국 사노맹 활동을 민주화 운동 일환으로 본 것"이라며 "과거 민주화 활동을 했던 사람들의 명예를 회복시킨다는 법의 취지에 따른 결정"이라고 설명했다. 그러나 보상심의위의 이런 결정은 사노맹을 '국가변란을 목적으로 구성된 반국가단체'라고 규정하고 회원들에 대해 유죄 판결을 내린 사법부의 결정과 정면으로 배치되는 것이어서 논란이 예상된다. 사노맹은 6·25 전쟁 이후 군사정권 종식, 민주주의정권 수립 등을 표방하며 발족한 단체로 사회주의 혁명, 노동자 봉기 등을 계획한 사실이 1990년 당시 국가안전기획부(전 국정원)에 적발됐다. 이 사건으로 사노맹 중앙위원을 지낸 박씨와 백씨는 반국가단체 활동 혐의로 기소돼 법원에서 각각 무기징역과 20년 형을 선고받고 수감생활을 하다 1998년 광복절 특사로 풀려난 바 있다. jslee@yna.co.kr

Where is Democracy?

2008-12-19T09:29:00.009+09:00

It was almost excruciatingly disappointing to watch the Korea's conservative Grand National Party's legislators impeded the lawmakers from the other opposition parties to get into the decision-making room at the National Assembly's Foreign Affair and Trade Committee in order to forcibly pass the Free Trade Agreement with the US (KORUS) on their own. The forcibly alienated minor party legislators were trying to get into the room where the GNP members were passing the draft on their own. Fist fightings were exchanged, the doors were torn down, and fire extinguishers were used.

Seeing the images of these on TV made many of viewers simply speechless. The incident showed the situations have gotten far worse than most of us have thought. It seemed clear the ruling party and the leaderships of this nation now bear no intention to diaolgue, listen to voices of different ideas, and in fact different voices are subject to physical suppression. The images implied many things. Most of all, it implied the leaderships no longer fear or care the people of this nation. They resembled so much with those from twenty something years ago. Even the shivering fear ran down the spiral; the old devil might have come back.

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한나라, 회의장 원천봉쇄 ‘FTA 날치기 상정’
야당의원 출입막고 한-미FTA 비준동의안 ‘강행’…여·야대립 격화민주, 국회의장실 점거농성…홍준표 “모든 방식 동원 법안처리”

강희철 기자 신승근 기자 박수진 피디
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» 한치 앞 안보이는 정국 민주당 당직자들이 한미 FTA 비준안 상정일인 18일 한나라당 의원 등이 안에서 걸어잠근 국회 외교통상통일위원회 회의실 출입문을 해머로 뚫으려 하고 있다. 연합뉴스
한나라당이 18일 민주당 등 야당 의원들의 출입을 봉쇄한 채 단독으로 국회 외교통상통일위원회(외통위)를 열어, 한-미 자유무역협정(FTA) 비준동의안을 상정했다. 이 과정에서 야당 의원들이 격렬한 몸싸움을 벌이고, 이어 국회의장실 점거농성에 들어가는 등 드세게 항의했다. 그러나, 비준동의안이 상정됨에 따라 자유무역협정은 본격적인 발효절차를 밟게 됐다. 특히 한나라당 출신인 김형오 국회의장이 직권상정할 경우, 비준동의안이 각종 국회 절차를 생략한 채 본회의에서 바로 처리될 수 있는 길이 열렸다.
[현장] 여야, 한미FTA 비준안 상정 앞두고 충돌
　
한나라당 소속인 박진 외통위원장은 이날 오후 2시 전체회의를 열어 한-미 자유무역협정 비준동의안을 상정한 뒤 법안심사소위로 넘겼다. 박 위원장은 회의를 시작하며 “정상적인 상임위 개최가 어려워 위원장으로서 예정된 시간에 예정된 안건을 상정토록 했다”는 말과 함께 곧바로 비준동의안을 상정했다.
비준동의안을 상정할 당시 회의장에는 박 위원장을 비롯해 정몽준·남경필·정진석·황진하·김충환·이춘식·정옥임·구상찬·홍정욱·이범관 등 한나라당 의원 11명만 참석했다.
이에 앞서 박 위원장은 하루 전인 17일부터 ‘질서유지권’을 발동해 회의장 출입을 봉쇄했고, 18일 오전에는 회의장으로 들어가려는 야당 의원·당직자들과 한나라당 의원·당직자들이 한데 엉겨 격렬한 몸싸움이 벌어졌다.
동의안이 상정된 뒤 민주당은 의원총회를 열어 박진 위원장과 박계동 사무총장 등을 특수공무 집행방해 혐의로 검찰에 고발하고, 김형오 국회의장실에서 사과와 재발방지 약속을 요구하며 무기한 점거농성에 들어가기로 결의했다. 이들은 또 “한나라당의 이번 횡포는 야당과 국민에 대한 선전포고”라며 “민주당은 국익과 의회민주주의를 지키기 위해 단호하게 행동할 것”이라는 내용의 규탄성명을 채택했다.
그러나 한나라당 홍준표 원내대표는 이날 오후 당 정책의총 발언에서 “연말까지 이명박 정부가 추구하고 있는 모든 관련 법령은 모두 국회에서 처리해야 한다. 어떤 방식을 동원해서라도 법안과 한-미 자유무역협정을 처리하겠다”고 말했다. 홍 원내대표는 이어 기자들과 만나 “야당과 협의할 수 있는 법안은 불법행위에 관한 집단소송법, 국정원법, 초중등교육법, 교원노조법 정도”라며 “한-미 자유무역협정은 연내에 처리하겠지만, 25개 이행 부수법안은 미국 의회가 협정을 비준한 뒤에 처리하겠다”고 ‘분리 처리’ 방침을 밝혔다.
이와 관련해 정세균 민주당 대표는 이날 오전 <문화방송> 라디오에 나와 “근본적으로 민주주의를 후퇴시키는 법에 대해선 원천봉쇄를 할 수밖에 없다”며 실력으로 막겠다는 의지를 재확인했다.
강희철 신승근 기자 hckang@hani.co.kr

Turning Back the Clock (re. Terrorist attack on the Korean Air Flight 858 in 1987)

2008-12-17T13:31:00.002+09:00

A commission seeks to be the sole investigator in the explosion of Korean Air Flight 858 over Myanmar en route from Abu Dhabi to Bangkok in 1987. Ahn Byung-ook, president of the relevant truth and reconciliation commission, said that regardless of the surrounding circumstances, his commission will call on Kim Hyon-hi for questioning.The bombing killed all 115 on board. Kim, then 26, is one of two North Korean agents who boarded the plane in Baghdad and departed during its stopover in Abu Dhabi having left a time bomb in an overhead compartment.In recent months, she has reportedly expressed in her letters complaints over attempts to unearth the truth of the bombing. She was quoted as having complained that she was undergoing a fifth investigation after those conducted by the court and the nation's spy agency.As for her alleged complaints, Ahn said there have been ceaseless suspicions of the bombing because of what he called poor investigations by the now-defunct Agency for National Security Planning, predecessor of the National Intelligence Service (NIS), or its misunderstanding.The woman was said to have changed her mind and alleged that during the liberal Roh Moo-hyun administration, she was coerced by some NIS officials to confess that North Korean leader Kim Jong-il had not ordered the bombing.Asked about her allegation at the National Assembly earlier this month, NIS Chief Kim Sung-ho said because of her misunderstanding, part of the matter was fabricated, according to a lawmaker who attended the session. The spy chief, however, did not elaborate.Given the situation and remarks made by people concerned, there are few reasons for discouraging the truth commission from turning back the clock to reveal the true picture of the 1987 bombing.In Spain, the National Court recently launched a criminal investigation into a crimes-against-humanity case from about seven decades ago which, according to the Associated Press, has no statute of limitations, according to Judge Baltasar Garzon. Tens of thousands of civilians were executed or disappeared during the 1936-39 Civil War involving supporters of Gen. Francisco Franco, particularly those who backed and elected the leftist Republican government under the ensuing right-wing rule of Franco.The Franco regime is accused of having eliminated his opponents and hidden their bodies. Exhumation of 19 common graves is a key part of investigations into people killed by the pro-Franco group during the war, the AP said.Similar truth-finding work for past history settlement can be found in other countries as well as nations involved in World War I and II. The commission has been seeking to build an international alliance to help do their respective truth-finding work more easily. The commission already signed a memorandum of understanding with Chile, and work is underway to ink an MOU with Argentina.Domestically, the three-year-old commission has recently helped a man who spent 15 years behind bars for murder be finally cleared of the charges. A district court acquitted Jeong Won-seop of strangling a nine-year-old girl after raping her.After being sentenced to life imprisonment, Jeong contended that police had tortured him into a false confession and fabricated evidence ― the authorities had abused power ― but a high court rejected his appeal. He then brought the case to the commission, which recommended that the case be reviewed. The panel can neither prosecute nor award compensation.Jeong, who is in his 70s, may seek compensation from the state, but nothing could offset the suffering he has underwent for decades.Another finding made by the commission is that the regime led by Chun Doo-hwan, an Army general who took power in a 1979 coup, ordered the now-disbanded Ministry of Government Administration to disqualify five successful applicants from the state exam for public servants in 1980 and 1981 for their role in anti-government rallies. One of them, Park Mun-hwa, failed to pass the annual exam for the second consecutive time and committed suicide.Every nation needs a body empowered to investigate wrongdoings committed by the authorities ― cases to which no statute of limitations should be applied.jckim@koreatimes.co.kr

공무원 장악 ‘MB 코드인사’ 시작되나

2008-12-17T12:55:00.002+09:00

7 ministerial government officials at the Ministry of Education, followed by those at the Taxation Office simultaneously submitted their resignations yesterday. The news bears more significance since their resignation took place when the controversial "text book revision" issue is at its peak. Also some grow suspicious if this is of any relation to what the currently South Korean president Lee once expressed; he once expressed his frustration saying, "no matter how the current government wishes to proceed new policies, they cannot be implemented unless the officials work conincidedly to our policy line." This comment, along with those from close entourages of Lee, implies ChongWaeDae has been displeased with the highest leveled government officials who've been grown their career for the last ten years of Democrats' government under KIM Dae-jung and NOH Moo-hyun, and is now ready to replace them with ones coinciding with their policy "codes." Unfortunately, the article is in Korean; but will update if any further reading materials come out in English.

교과부·국세청 1급 일괄사표 배경이 대통령 “공무원이 움직이지 않는다” 지적하더니…정부정책 잦은 잡음 ‘고위공무원 탓’ 판단2급 이상 출신·경력·성향 등 전반적 점검

황준범 기자

» 교육과학기술부의 1급 고위공무원 7명이 일괄 사표를 제출한 것으로 알려진 16일 오후 서울 세종로 정부중앙청사 교육과학기술부에서 직원들이 오가고 있다. 이날 사퇴한것으로 알려진 1급은 기획조정실장, 과학기술정책실장, 인재정책실장, 학술연구정책실장 등 7명이다. 이종근 기자 root2@hani.co.kr
16일 교육과학기술부와 국세청 고위 공무원들의 일괄사표 제출은 고위 공직자 전체를 겨냥한 대대적 물갈이를 알리는 신호탄으로 보인다.
청와대는 일단 교과부 고위직들의 사표 제출에 대해 “안병만 장관과 교과부 차원의 일”이라고 설명했다. 이동관 대변인은 이날 브리핑에서 “청와대의 해당 수석실(교육과학문화수석실)에서조차 이 일의 진행에 대해서 잘 몰랐다. 특정부처, 교육부에서 한 것을 다른 부처로 일반화시키는 것은 비약”이라고 말했다. 물갈이로 보는 시각에 제동을 건 것이다.
하지만 이번 일을 정부의 고위 공직자 대폭 물갈이 의도와 떼어내서 바라볼 수 없다는 게 여권 안팎의 지배적인 해석이다. 정권 교체기도 아닌데 고위 공직자들이 이처럼 한꺼번에 사표를 낸 것은 극히 이례적이기 때문이다.
정부는 이미 1급 공무원들의 신분보장을 철폐하는 쪽으로 제도 개선을 추진하고 있다. 공직 사회에 ‘경쟁 마인드’를 도입하고, 인사 적체를 해소하자는 취지다. 연말 연초에는 청와대 행정관급부터 시작해 비서관·수석비서관들의 개편까지 예고돼 있어, 고위 공직자들의 자리 이동 폭은 더욱 커질 전망이다.
이런 작업의 배경에는 타성에 젖은 고위 공직자들을 쇄신해야 한다는 여권의 공감대가 있다. 청와대 고위 관계자는 “아무리 대통령이 일을 하고 싶어도 결국 공무원들이 움직이지 않으면 일이 되지 않는다는 게 딜레마”라며 공무원에 대한 물갈이 필요성을 강조했다. 다른 관계자는 “1급 공무원들은 정권이 바뀌면 알아서 인사권자에게 거취를 맡기는 게 관례였는데, 고위공무원단 제도가 이를 가로막고 있다”고 말했다. 이명박 대통령이 최근 참모들에게 창조적 발상과 적극적 태도를 강조한 것도, 공무원들이 자신의 뜻대로 움직여주지 않는 데 대한 답답함을 토로한 것으로 알려졌다.
이명박 정권의 핵심 인사들은 김대중·노무현 정권 10년을 거치며 고위직에 오른 공직자들이 태업을 하고 있다는 인식을 지니고 있다. 한나라당 제6정책조정위원장인 나경원 의원은 지난달 6일 “아직도 새 정부와 코드를 같이하지 않는 공직자들이 있다. 곳곳에 지난 10년의 잔재가 남아 있어 새 정부가 열심히 하려고 해도 공무원 사회가 잘 안 움직이는 것 같다”고 말했다. 이 대통령도 당선인 시절인 지난 1월 “공직자들이 어쩌면 이 시대에 걸림돌이 될 수 있을 정도로 위험 수위에 와 있다”고 공무원들에 대한 불신을 공개적으로 드러냈다.
이에 맞춰 정부는 그동안 2급 이상 공직자들의 출신과 경력·성향 등을 면밀하게 점검해 온 것으로 알려졌다. 여권 사정에 정통한 한 관계자는 최근 “정부에서 이사관급 이상 공무원에 대해 모니터링을 해 왔다”며 “이를 통해 이들이 정책전환의 걸림돌이란 결론을 내렸다. 곧 이들에 대한 손보기에 나설 것”이라고 예고했다.
이명박 정부는 시기적으로 경제 위기가 정점에 이를 것으로 예상되고 전국단위 선거도 없는 내년을 국정 드라이브의 승부수로 상정하고 있다. 이 시점에서 공무원을 ‘정권 친위대’로 돌려놓지 않으면 효과적인 국정수행을 할 수 없다는 생각을 했음직하다. 하지만 한 고위 공무원은 “직업 공무원은 정권이 바뀌면 그에 맞춰 일을 할 수밖에 없는 속성이 있는데, 정권 핵심들이 자신들의 잘못을 공무원의 복지부동 탓으로 돌리는 면이 있다”고 불만을 표시했다.
이런 흐름 속에서 교과부와 국세청이 총대를 메고 나섰다는 관측이 많다. 교과부는 최근 교과서 수정, 일제고사 거부, 사학분쟁 등의 현안에 적절하게 대응하지 못했다거나, 안병만 장관의 조직 장악력이 부족하다는 지적이 여당인 한나라당과 청와대 안에 적지 않았다. 청와대 관계자는 “안 장관이 이런 분위기도 고려하지 않았겠냐”고 말했다.
청와대가 의도했든 아니 했든, 일부 부처 1급 공무원들의 사표 제출은 다른 부처에도 영향을 줄 것으로 보인다. 정부 관계자는 “어차피 1급 공무원들은 신분보장이 없어지지 않느냐”며 “어차피 벌어질 일을 교과부와 국세청이 먼저 했을 뿐이지, 다른 부처에서도 비슷하게 진행되지 않겠냐”고 내다봤다. 황준범 기자 jaybee@hani.co.kr

Children 'executed' in 1950 South Korean killings

2008-12-09T09:24:00.002+09:00

On Nov. 13, 2008, Charles Hanley and his colleague Jae-soon Chang from the AP visited the TRCK and interviewed and gathered updated information since their last report on the commission's work. And on Dec. 7, 2008 finally came their following story under a title of "Children 'executed' in 1950 South Korean killings." The story is updating statistics of the exhumation works and other findings of the TRCK. In particular, the follow-up with the US government's responses were interesting; a bereaved family association successfully met with the spokesperson of the US Embassy in Seoul and asked to open a regular diaologue channel with them concerning the issue. This meeting between the family association and the spokesperson was held on the same day the reporters visited the commission.

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By CHARLES J. HANLEY and JAE-SOON CHANG

SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — Government investigators digging into the grim hidden history of mass political executions in South Korea have confirmed that dozens of children were among many thousands shot by their own government early in the Korean War.
The investigative Truth and Reconciliation Commission has thus far verified more than two dozen mass killings of leftists and supposed sympathizers, among at least 100,000 people estimated to have been hastily shot and dumped into makeshift trenches, abandoned mines or the sea after communist North Korea invaded the south in June 1950.
The killings, details of which were buried in classified U.S. files for a half-century, were intended to keep southern leftists from aiding the invaders at a time when the rightist, U.S.-allied government was in danger of being overrun by communist forces.
Family survivors last month met with the U.S. Embassy for the first time, saying afterward they demanded an apology for alleged "direct and indirect" American involvement in the killings.
Declassified records show U.S. officers were present at one killing field and that at least one U.S. officer sanctioned another mass political execution if prisoners otherwise would be freed by the North Koreans. Uncounted hundreds were subsequently killed, witnesses reported.
With thousands of citizens' petitions in hand, the 3-year-old truth commission has been taking testimony from witnesses and family survivors, poring over police and military files, both here and in the United States, and excavating mass grave sites.
Before suspending operations for the winter, crews had exhumed the remains of 965 victims from 10 mass graves, out of at least 168 probable sites across South Korea. They only scratched the surface in some cases: At a cobalt mine in the far south, they penetrated just 36 feet into a vertical shaft, recovering 107 skeletons from among 3,500 bodies believed dumped there.
Some mass killings were carried out before the war; many came in the first weeks after the June 25, 1950, invasion, and others occurred later in 1950 when U.S. and South Korean forces recaptured Seoul and the southerners rounded up and shot alleged northern collaborators.
The executioners at times cold-bloodedly killed families of suspected leftists, the commission has found.
In late 1950 and early 1951, in Namyangju, 16 miles northeast of Seoul, the commission estimates that police and a local militia slaughtered more than 460 people, including at least 23 children under the age of 10.
Survivor Kim Jong-chol, 71, said his father, a South Korean border guard, had been forced to work for the conquering northerners, and then was executed by the southerners as a collaborator. More than a dozen relatives were also killed, including Kim's grandparents and 7-year-old sister, he said.
"Young children or whatever were all killed en masse," Kim told The Associated Press. "What did the family members do wrong? Why did they kill the family members?"
The 15-member panel, whose unprecedented inquiry will stretch into 2010, has thus far verified that children were among the victims in at least six mass killings. In a seventh case, it found, it was southern leftists who killed children of supposed South Korean rightists.
Similarly, the North Korean occupiers and their southern comrades at times killed policemen and others associated with the rightist regime after summary "trials." But the commission says petitions relating to executions of leftists outnumber by 6-to-1 those dealing with right-wingers' deaths.
That was his experience in Namyangju, said Kim Jong-chol.
"When the people from the other side (North Korea) came here, they didn't kill many people," he said, contrasting that with "indiscriminate" killing by southern authorities.
The AP has reported that declassified U.S. military documents show U.S. Army officers took photos of the assembly line-style executions outside the central city of Daejeon, where the commission believes between 3,000 and 7,000 people were shot and dumped into mass graves in early July 1950.
Other once-secret files show that a U.S. Army lieutenant colonel reported giving approval to the killing of 3,500 political prisoners by a South Korean army unit he was advising in Busan, if the North Koreans approached that southern port city, formerly spelled Pusan.
The files show the U.S. command was aware in other ways as well of the organized bloodbaths.
On Nov. 13, four representatives of bereaved family groups met with a U.S. Embassy official in Seoul to ask that the U.S. open a "dialogue channel" with them and provide any documents relevant to a U.S. role in these deaths a half-century ago.
"It's the first time we relatives have met U.S. officials," said Oh Won-rok, 68, representing family survivors of a wartime mass killing in the southwestern county of Haenam.
Oh Byoung-Han, 65, representing those who lost relatives in the huge Daejeon-area slaughter, charged that the U.S. was involved "directly and indirectly" in that case.
"We asked them to review the case and cooperate positively," Oh said. "We demanded an apology."
Although at the time U.S. diplomats reported confidentially they had urged restraint on the South Koreans, there was no sign the U.S. military, with formal command over the southerners, tried to halt the mass executions.
After last month's meeting, embassy spokesman Robert Ogburn said the U.S. mission would not comment publicly on it.
The investigative panel, equipped with a 240-member staff, cannot compel testimony, prosecute or award compensation. Findings are meant to "reconcile the past for the sake of national unity," says its legislative charter.
It was established under the previous liberal administration of President Roh Moo-hyun, and many expect it to encounter budget and other restrictions under his conservative successor, Lee Myung-bak.
Associated Press investigative researcher Randy Herschaft in New York contributed to this report.